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• W10128652 abstract "Western discussion during the last half-decade has increasingly focussed on an ''assertive and even ''aggressive Russian foreign policy that underpins an ever more confident global position. From a Russia that could only say yes in the 1990s, the West is apparently now confronting a Russia that can, and will, say no.1For many analysts, this assertive stance has been associated with distinct ideational underpinnings that have sought to challenge Western liberalism. Although ''sovereign democracy has been the most obvious example, many have also argued that anti-Western has moved from the margins to the mainstream of Russian discourse during the Putin era.2 Moreover, this had, apparently, begun ineluctably to influence Russian foreign policy and to deepen the rhetorical and cognitive dissonance between Russia and the West. Indeed, as Edward Lucas argued, ''the ideological conflict of the New Cold War is between lawless Russian and law-governed Western multilateralism. 3However, the role might have played in the Russia-Georgia War of August 2008 has been largely ignored. One of the most influential authors on the conflict, Ronald Asmus, did argue that ''by the summer of 2008 ... an increasingly nationalistic and revisionist Russia was ... rebelling against a system that it felt no longer met its interests and had been imposed on it during a moment of temporary weakness.4 Neither he nor other authors examined this in depth. Yet his contention can support a narrative of ''lawless Russian nationalism. Russia's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in defiance of Euro-Atlantic positions can be seen as the tipping-point when Russia began to substantiate its rhetoric and to export highly nationalistic internal values in an attempt to revise the post-Cold War order.Nevertheless, hindsight perhaps confounds this view. Although the Western consensus is that Russia wanted and planned the war, Western and Georgian mistakes mean that a narrative of ''good West versus ''evil Russia (implicit in Lucas's account) cannot be convincingly maintained.5 More widely, the US-Russia ''reset has involved a marked change of climate and de-escalation of rhetoric. Russia itself has focused increasingly on internal modernization, and the immediate fear that it was to pursue overt annexation of other contested regions like Crimea and Transnistria has receded. Finally, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's modernization rhetoric is associated with increased efforts to control domestic nationalist excesses via greater law enforcement.6In this article, I will trace the foreign policy influence of Russian from the Putin to the Medvedev eras, focussing specifically on Russian nationalist arguments for and reactions to the August 2008 conflict. The main questions in focus are: (1) What are the basic dynamics of the relationship between and foreign policy under Putin and Medvedev?; (2) What role did Russian play in the Russia-Georgia War? Was it a significant motivating factor in Russian conduct for the conflict as Asmus indicated?; and, (3) Overall, was the role of Russian in the war a corroboration of or a deviation from this general relationship? I will end with some observations about whether the influence of on Russian foreign policy has indeed decreased since 2008 and whether Russian presents a significant obstacle to the ''modernization and ''resetting of Russian policy.I will argue that the typical relationship between Russian and foreign policy is a complex one-it is simply not the case that Russian is inherently expansionist and militarist, as some classic accounts argue.7 Even under Putin and Medvedev, the authorities have generally promoted a foreign policy based on ''statist nationalism that is conservative as opposed to reactionary, and that is orientated toward pragmatism, not ideology. …" @default.
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• W10128652 date "2011-06-22" @default.
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• W10128652 title "Is Nationalism Rising in Russian Foreign Policy?: The Case of Georgia" @default.
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