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- W109712841 abstract "In this paper, we will concentrate on Serbo-Croatian (S-C) and German (G), but we assume that the analysis can be applied to other languages that display this kind of case alternation in the PP domain. Traditional grammar generalizes that prepositions assign accusative in the context of a change of state, most frequently of location, in which the relevant PP denotes the result state or final location of this change. Locative, or other oblique cases, are assigned in PPs that modify the entire event (structurally represented as VP), usually for place. Accusative is linked to the denotation of the goal. The traditional account has one major problem: it requires there to be two lexical entries for each preposition showing this behavior, one assigning accusative, and another some oblique case. Such an approach is also found in one of the few more formal accounts of this type of data, namely Bierwisch (1988) for German. Although this would not be the only case in which such a claim has been put forward, it is certainly methodologically more desirable to have a theory that treats each of these prepositions as one single lexical entry. We will argue that the prepositions that display case alternations on their complements bear a locative meaning only. The meaning of goal or directionality will be shown to result from the particular embedding of the locative PP within the VP. More recent discussion of the case alternation is found in den Dikken (2003), van Riemsdijk (2007) and Caha (in preparation). What these accounts have in common is that they propose additional PP-internal structure to derive the directional (goal) reading with these prepositions and to license or trigger accusative case marking on their complements. However, they do not spell out the conditions under which this additional structure is licensed, so that they face the" @default.
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- W109712841 date "2008-01-01" @default.
- W109712841 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
- W109712841 title "Accusative Case in PPs" @default.
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