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- W115752025 abstract "SINCE 9/11, AUSTRALIANS have proven themselves once more to be very satisfactory friends in peace, and the best of friends in war, as President John Kennedy described them in 1962, attesting to happy relationship between two great people. According to Prime Minister John Howard, have never asked others to do for us what we have been unwilling to do for ourselves. But Australia's participation in the coalition would not have been possible had Howard not won a political debate that consumed much of the 1990s about Australia's place in the world and its national identity--and, having won power in 1996, had he not demonstrated in government that an instinctively conservative politician can govern successfully in accordance with his principles. is a nation conceived in peace: No war of independence marked its birth and civil war its coming of age. But its national consciousness bears the deep imprint of war. Australia was born on the shores of Gallipoli, Billy Hughes, who served as prime minister during the First World War, once said. The Australian federation had been formed just 13 years before, and the Great War was the young nation's first test, one that exacted a huge toll. Out of a population of 4.5 million, 60,000 gave their lives. To put that in perspective, the United States, with a population in 1914 over 20 times higher, lost 116,000 men. Its wartime sacrifice has been described as Australia's spiritual bonding. Every town has a war memorial. The remembrance of Australia's war dead and the celebration of its war heroes is a deeply-rooted part of its of nationhood. The National War Memorial in Canberra is one of the most visited places in the country, and Anzac Day 2004 saw record numbers of young Australians at Gallipoli. Although entered the First World War as part of the British empire, it did so enthusiastically. In part, this reflected ties of kinship and Australians' dual identity as Australian and British. But wasn't just fighting Britain's battles. It also evinced a hard-headed calculation of its own security interests. In the era of imperial expansion, which the First World War was to bring to an end, mastery of Europe would change the balance of power in the South Pacific. Australians recognized that the Royal Navy was the guarantor of their independence. Recognition of the need for allies went hand in hand with an assertion of Australian interests and, at times, a vocal presence in world affairs. At the Paris peace conference at the end of World War I, Billy Hughes insisted on annexing the South Pacific islands his country had captured from Germany and made little secret of his contempt for Woodrow Wilson, his Fourteen Points, and the League of Nations. Wilson returned the compliment, calling Hughes a pestiferous varmint. The collapse of British power in the Pacific following the surrender of Singapore to Japan during the Second World War meant that from then on, American power was to be the cornerstone of Australia's defense. Its most important bilateral relationship switched from Britain to the United States. Ten weeks after Pearl Harbor, the Japanese bombed a joint Australian--U.S. military force in Darwin on Australia's northern coast; and at the battle of the Coral Sea, the U.S. Navy successfully thwarted a Japanese attempt to cut off from America. After the Second World War, Australia's strategic imperative was to secure its alliance with the United States. Australian diplomacy achieved its greatest triumph when the Truman administration signed the ANZUS treaty in 1951. Under it, the parties declared their sense of unity, ensuring that no potential aggressor could be under the illusion that any of them stand alone in the Pacific Area. While clearly has gained an immense strategic benefit from the ANZUS treaty, it has consistently been a far more reliable ally than many of America's NATO partners. …" @default.
- W115752025 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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- W115752025 date "2005-08-01" @default.
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- W115752025 title "John Howard's Australia" @default.
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