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• W129079772 abstract "List of AcronymsACA Anti-Corruption AgencyARMM Autonomous Region of Muslim MindanaoBPK Supreme Audit AgencyBROOM Blue Ribbon Oversight Office ManagementCMD Christian and Muslim DemocratsCOMELEC Commission on ElectionsCPP Cambodian People's PartyDAP Democratic Action PartyDPR People's Representative AssemblyEAIC Enforcement Agency Integrity CommissionFuncinpec National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative CambodiaGLC Government Linked CorporationGolkar Functional GroupsGRC Group Representative ConstituenciesHRP Human Rights PartyJAC Judicial Accounts CommissionKAMPI Partner of the Free FilipinoKBL New Society MovementKPK Corruption Eradication CommissionMACC Malaysian Anti-Corruption CommissionMCA Malaysian Chinese AssociationMIC Malaysian Indian CongressNBN National Broadband NetworkNEDA National Economic Planning AuthorityNEP New Economic PolicyNMP Nominated Members of ParliamentNPC Nationalist People's CoalitionPAC Public Accounts CommitteePAN National Mandate PartyPAP People's Action PartyPAS Islamic Party of MalaysiaPBB Star and Crescent PartyPCIJ Philippines Center for Independent JournalismPDAF Priority Development Assistance FundPIN-P Indonesia Democracy Party of StrugglePKB National Awakening PartyPKR People's Justice PartyPKS Prosperous Justice PartyPPI Parliamentary Powers IndexPPP United Party of DevelopmentSRP Sam Rainsy PartyUMNO United Malays National OrganizationUNTAC United Nations Transitional Authority in CambodiaZTE Zhong Xing Telecommunication Equipment CompanyExecutive SummaryIn an influential study, Steven Fish and Matthew Kroenig argue that overarching institutional designs (i.e., presidential, parliamentary, and dual systems) tell us less about the prospects of a new democracy than does the particular strength of the legislature. Specifically, executive abuses are best checked where legislatures are powerful, generating horizontal accountability. Indeed, Fish and Kroenig suggest that with judiciaries and watchdog agencies weak in most new democracies, the legislature is the only institution by which accountability can be imposed. What is more, ordinary citizens are better informed by the robust party systems that strong legislatures support, fostering vertical accountability. In comparing Freedom House scores with their Parliamentary Powers Index (PPI), Fish and Kroenig show clear correlations, leading them to conclude that democracies are made strong by legislatures that are empowered.In this monograph, their thesis about accountability and legislative power is tested in five country cases in Southeast Asia: Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Cambodia, and Singapore. Though many different kinds of regimes can be found in this part of the developing world, the politics of these countries can be broadly classified into two types. Indonesia and the Philippines are new democracies in which legislatures are formed through competitive elections. Malaysia amounts to a paradigmatic case of electoral authoritarianism in which civil liberties are truncated, while legislative elections, though competitive, are manipulated in a variety of ways. Cambodia and Singapore can also be understood as operating electoral authoritarian regimes, though their competitiveness is still more seriously diminished. The study's main aim, then, is to investigate which type of regime, a new democracy or electoral authoritarianism, better allows legislatures to check the executive.Analysis begins by recounting the literature about the motivations of those who seek election to legislatures in developing countries. We find that in these conditions state power offers the surest means to the accumulation of personal wealth. …" @default.
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• W129079772 date "2011-03-08" @default.
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• W129079772 title "Executive Accountability in Southeast Asia: The Role of Legislatures in New Democracies and Under Electoral Authoritarianism" @default.
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