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• W135996134 abstract "Americans are likely to vote now than at any time in recent history. Since 1960s, number of citizens casting a vote in presidential elections has been declining steadily (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993), and voter turnout in 1996 election was lower than in any presidential contest since 1924 (Federal Election Commission, 1997; Teixeira, 1992). This pattern of decreasing turnout at polls has troubled political observers, who fear that wane in electoral participation may result in heightened alienation and skewed public policy. Against this backdrop of decreasing electoral participation are distinct differences in participation patterns based on socioeconomic and demographic factors. The well-educated and wealthy are more likely to vote than those with education and more modest means (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993; Verba, Schlozrnan, & Brady, 1995; Wolfinger & Rosenstone, 1980). Whites are more likely to vote than are racial minorities, and men participate more than women (Verba et al., 1995). People who believe they have political influence and who are interested in political life are more likely to participate (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993). In short, the active American electorate overrepresents those who have more, and underrepresents those who have less (Piven & Cloward, 1989, p.4). Unfortunately, these distortions in participation are likely to perpetuate bias in politics and policymaking as representatives are besieged by voices of affluent while political concerns of non-voters remain unheard (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995). Many scholars have argued that minority groups generally receive very little voice or say in policymaking process unless they are politically sophisticated and involved (e.g., Dahl, 1989). Other scholars have argued that political process is consistently attentive to only those groups who are politically active (Crotty, 1991; Hicks & Swank, 1992; Peterson & Rom, 1989; Verba & Nie, 1972; Verba et al., 1995). In fact, Hill and Leighley (1992) have demonstrated a direct link between voter turnout of a particular citizen group and state governmental efforts geared to helping these citizens (see also Hill, Leighley, & Anderson, 1995). In addition, several studies have demonstrated that African Americans' continued struggle for political and economic equality gained potency when African Americans became politically active (Fording, 1997) and exercised their voting rights (Davidson & Grofman, 1994). Finally, many scholars argue that even if a constituency group has a small number of politically active group members, governmental efforts to help these constituents are likely to be substantially incongruent with constituent needs unless there is strong political participation among entire group (Verba et al., 1995). Most troubling for people concerned about lives and future of Americans who live with disabilities, and their continued fight for empowerment and equality, are findings that people with disabilities are likely to be politically active than are non-disabled individuals. The National Organization on Disability reports that, after controlling for age, 71% of disabled individuals register, as compared to 77% of nondisabled persons; and 63% of people with disabilities voted, compared to 75% of individuals without disabilities (Louis Harris & Associates, 1987). A recent analysis of Current Population Survey - Voter Supplement found that of 3,416 individuals who reported being out of labor force due to disability, only 1,905 were registered to vote, and of those, only 1,111 actually cast a ballot - rates which are, respectively, 15% and 20% below registration and voting rates of non-disabled people (Shields, Schriner, & Schriner, in press). Schur and Kruse (1997) report similar results from their study of individuals with spinal cord injury, which they found voted at 10-11% lower rates than general population. …" @default.
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• W135996134 title "Empowerment of the Political Kind: The Role of Disability Service Organizations in Encouraging People with Disabilities to Vote" @default.
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