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• W1520651405 abstract "INTRODUCTION A. When Justice is a Crime (1) On October 10, 2003, daily legal newspaper for metropolitan Atlanta carried a front page story about twenty-four people arrested in September for alleged traffic They had spent anywhere from three to twelve days in jail without seeing a lawyer or receiving anything more than a perfunctory court appearance (in a jailhouse courtroom) where they informed of charges, bond amount and court date. (2) Many charged with minor violations that would normally result in only a fine; indeed, nine pedestrians, not motorists, charged with such offenses as Pedestrian Obstructing (3) or Pedestrian in Road (4) (jaywalking) and Pedestrian Soliciting a Ride (5) (hitchhiking). (6) newspaper reported that both Chief Judge of Atlanta's Traffic Court and chief prosecutor agreed that none of inmates should've been held for more than forty-eight hours without a probable cause hearing (7) and that both were aware of problems. (8) Their explanation was that [t]he city doesn't have procedures for probable cause hearings ... because it's so expensive to have police officers, a public defender and solicitor at jail to hold those hearings, especially in cases involving minor traffic violations. (9) Not only was systematic failure of Atlanta Traffic Court to conduct probable cause hearings illegal, (10) it is clear that these persons, jailed for minor traffic violations, received punishment far in excess of what they should have received even if they found guilty as charged. For them, to borrow from Malcolm M. Feeley's trenchant book title, process was punishment. (11) B. The Process is Punishment! Process is Punishment, Feeley's award-winning study (12) of handling of cases in a criminal court, first published in 1979, was based on his close observation of Court of Common Pleas in New Haven, Connecticut. Feeley began with perspective offered by Roscoe Pound in 1924, who identified such courts, which ultimately affect largest mass of people, as generating suspicion of legal system. Pound, as quoted by Feeley, attributed such suspicion as unsurprising given the confusion, want of decorum, undignified offhand disposition of cases at high speed, [and] frequent suggestion of something working behind scenes, [that] ... characterize petty criminal court in almost all of our cities. (13) Feeley found that Pound's description of urban criminal courts was still accurate in New Haven fifty years later. (14) Indeed, Feeley noted in 1992, in book's second edition, that while Court of Common Pleas was replaced by a lower division of a unified trial court, underlying processes and attitudes remained same. (15) Feeley's key insight, captured by book's title, was that experience of being arrested, incarcerated, and processed through pre-trial court procedures is primary form of punishment administered by criminal courts, rendering ultimate adjudication and sentencing essentially irrelevant. As Feeley described, becoming engaged in system itself generates a cost to these defendants not only directly, but indirectly as well. For every defendant sentenced to a jail term of any length, there are likely to be several others who released from jail only after and because they pleaded guilty. For each dollar paid out in fines, a defendant is likely to have spent four or five dollars for a bondsman and an attorney. For each dollar they lose in fines, working defendants likely lose several more from docked wages. For every defendant who has lost his job because of a conviction, there are probably five more who have lost their jobs as a result of simply having missed work in order to appear in court. …" @default.
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• W1520651405 date "2004-09-22" @default.
• W1520651405 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W1520651405 title "Taking the Punishment Out of the Process: From Substantive Criminal Justice Through Procedural Justice to Restorative Justice" @default.
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