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• W1551662849 abstract "This panel was convened at 9:00 a.m., Friday, April 11, by its moderator, Sylvia Kang'ara of the University of Washington School of Law, who introduced the panelists: Ross Leckow * of the International Monetary Fund; C.L. Lim of Hong Kong University; and Timothy A. Canova of Chapman University School of Law. THE TURN TO TRADE By Chin Leng Lim ([dagger]) INTRODUCTION Coming from Asia, saying that government policy matters to growth is motherhood. This is not just an East viewpoint either. Someone from the Harvard Business School wrote recently: Every country has a strategy for economic (1) In other words, all governments will have their own internal strategies for growth and development. The domestic space which governments have in the direction of their chosen development policies therefore becomes important. A second big issue today is that, taking the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as example, there is now a third group of some seventy-five middle-income and emerging market economies, including some East nations, that lies between the traditional two groups of lender nations and borrower nations. (2) Because these middle-income countries typically have regular access to private capital markets, their reliance on Fund lending is not as predictable, certainly not outside moments of crisis. Partly to halt such countries from drifting from the IMF, (3) the IMF decided in its annual meetings in 2006 in Singapore on ad hoc increases in the voting shares of China and South Korea, as well as increases in Mexico's and Turkey's voting shares. (4) When it comes to the specific problem of a potential Asian drift, one question today has to do with how you get China or South Korea to remain committed to the Fund. I will not be talking about that. I would like to focus on a wider problem, one that encompasses the whole range of developing countries, towards the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the central forum for the treatment of development concerns. THREE POINTS In short, I wish to address three points. First, a general drift towards the WTO as a serious forum for discussing development. Secondly, the issue of domestic policy space which, as I shall try to argue, was a large part of what the New International Economic Order (NIEO) was about. Thirdly, the contemporary revival of the NIEO, now centred in and around the WTO, and what that might tell us, more generally, about how the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) have fared in the eyes of developing countries. WHO KILLED THE NIEO? People say the problem with the NIEO was that the developing countries were not helping themselves, and that one great difference today is that developing countries have now moved on to a self-help model. To quote the textbook I use to teach my class: most developing nations are presently more interested in joining the developed world than in leading the developing world. (5) According to this telling of the story, developing countries learned an important lesson after the debt crisis of the 80s, and somehow realized, with some additional prompting, that trade and investment liberalization, deregulation and privatization would be more beneficial to them. In this way, the NIEO soon became an anachronism. Perhaps it was the McNamara era which really killed the NIEO. As they moved away from integrated rural development projects to structural adjustment lending, international agencies initially advised developing countries to devalue their currencies to boost exports and cut government spending in order to pay their petrodollars. But this soon became the basis for ever broader prescriptions to remove trade barriers, free prices and cut back state direction of the economy. (6) THE NIEO'S EQUAL PARTICIPATION DOCTRINE I do not wish to quarrel unduly with this view of what happened to the NIEO, but only to mention that one thing has remain unchanged throughout. …" @default.
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• W1551662849 date "2008-01-01" @default.
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• W1551662849 title "Do International Financial Institutions Repress Development" @default.
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