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• W155635222 abstract "According to the P-Map, a phonological mapping in → out is less faithful to the extent that there is more perceptual distance between in and out. Although this idea is attractive, it cannot be implemented in the standard parallel version of Optimality Theory. This note explains why and shows how a derivational version of OT, Harmonic Serialism, can solve this problem. 1. Statement of the problem The essential claim of the P-Map is that the degree of faithfulness of a phonological mapping is directly proportional to the degree of perceptual similarity between the input and output of that mapping (Steriade 2008). When there is a choice between ways of “repairing” a violation of a markedness constraint, the perceptually more similar repair is preferred because it is more faithful under the P-Map. A mapping has an input and an output, and faithfulness constraints require an input and an output to compare. To date, discussions of the P-Map have assumed the standard parallel version of OT (POT) (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), so the input to every mapping is the underlying representation and the output is the surface representation.2 This means that the P-Map evaluates faithfulness by comparing the percept evoked by an underlying form with the percepts evoked by the various candidate surface forms. But talking about “the percept evoked by an underlying form” is very nearly a category mistake. The problem is that underlying forms are much less complete or determinate than surface forms. Furthermore, the properties in which underlying forms are incomplete or indeterminate include properties that are important in knowing what percept they evoke. I will henceforth refer to this as the P-Map’s input problem (PMIP). The PMIP can be illustrated wth a phenomenon known as the coda/onset place assimilation asymmetry. Place assimilation in consonant clusters is a common phonological process, and it nearly always seems to work by changing the first consonant to match the second one and not the other way around (Jun 1995, 2004, McCarthy 2008c, Mohanan 1993, Ohala 1990, Steriade 2001, Webb 1982). The PMap’s explanation for this asymmetry goes like this (Jun 2002, 2004): (i) The release of a consonant contains important perceptual cues for place. (ii) Onset consonants are always released, so they have strong cues for place.3 (iii) Codas may be unreleased, in which case they have weak cues for place. 1 This research was supported by grant BCS-0813829 from the National Science Foundation to the University of Massachusetts Amherst. I am grateful for comments received from Michael Becker, Karen Jesney, Shigeto Kawahara, Wendell Kimper, and Anne-Michelle Tessier. 2 Although POT has been augmented with surface-surface faithfulness relations, those are irrelevant here. We will be looking only at the relationship between lexical and surface representations. 3 Explanations of the P-Map are often coupled with a non-syllable-based theory of phonotactics. I disregard this matter, since it is irrelevant to my point." @default.
• W155635222 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W155635222 date "2009-01-01" @default.
• W155635222 modified "2023-09-26" @default.
• W155635222 title "The P-Map in Harmonic Serialism" @default.
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