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• W1560237606 abstract "Labor, Loyalty, and Rebellion: Southwestern Illinois Coal Miners and World War I. By Carl R. Weinberg (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2005. Pp. Xiii, 246. Illus., appendix, notes, index. Cloth $55.00, Paper, $27.00). In the early morning hours of 1 April 1918 Robert Paul Prager's life ended in dramatic fashion-at the hands of a lynch mob and on the end of a rope. In Collinsville, Illinois, citizens accused the GermanAmerican Prager of plotting to blow up the Maryville mine. After Prager refused to leave town, the vigilante mob took matters into their own hands. In the context of the World War I home front, this patriotic lynching symbolized the culmination of a months-long process where government and local officials groomed pro-war sentiment and crushed dissent. The lynching sparked a nationwide debate about the pending sedition laws, free speech, and civil liberties in wartime. Carl R. Weinberg places Prager's lynching at the center of his book, using southwestern Illinois as a regional case study to examine the deep social conflict the war wrought on individual lives as well as the post-war upsurge in labor militancy as workers sought to cash in on their wartime loyalty. The first half of the book reconstructs the social and political climate in the months leading to Prager's demise. While the lynching might suggest that the region served as a bastion for pro-war sentiment, Weinberg shows that miners were highly ambivalent toward the war. Anti-war socialist sentiment combined with immigrant nationalism to ensure that the workers maintained a spirit of dissent. Miners participated in a series of wartime strikes from July 1917 to January 1918 to fight against inflation, to protest coal operators' high profits, and to bring attention to hazardous mine conditions. The strikes became a test of loyalty. Local newspapers feared that German saboteurs provoked the work stoppages to impede the war effort. Leaders of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) appropriated the rhetoric of solidarity for wartime ends, urging miners to stay on the job and not scab on the nation. Weinberg shows that the strikes put miners on the defensive as the public questioned their patriotism and vigilante action surged. Mobs ran amok; they forced persons of suspect loyalty to kiss the flag, tarred and feathered radicals, and chased individuals out of towns across the region. Thus, Prager was not the only victim of these battles over loyalty. By tracing the wartime upsurge in labor militancy and resulting vigilante violence, Weinberg effectively argues that the war exacted detrimental costs on working-class solidarity in the region. If miners paid a deep political price during wartime, Weinberg argues that the coal operators and government paid one after the war. Miners spent nearly two years working to fuel the war. After the armistice they sought repayment for their wartime sacrifices, a debt that was compounded by a lull in business and the deadly influenza epidemic sweeping the country. According to Weinberg, these conditions fueled the rebellions of 1919 that began with a nationally organized political strike in support of Tom Mooney and culminated in the nationwide coal strike beginning on 1 November. …" @default.
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