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• W1572139403 abstract "INTRODUCTION This article looks at conservation of American forests in nineteenth and twentieth centuries to cast light on prospects for global forest conservation in twenty-first. At beginning of nineteenth century, Americans understood their forests as good only for cutting. By end of century a national scheme existed for comprehensive and permanent forest conservation. This new scheme became possible thanks to changes in scientific knowledge, ideological self-image of country, political institutions, and imagination and moral commitments of citizens and social movements. A look at changes that laid foundations of national forest conservation might help to show what would have to happen for international forest conservation to emerge. Alternatively, it might highlight differences between those past developments and present circumstances, showing how past is not prologue. In this case, upshot is some of both. I. EARLY AMERICAN IDEAS OF FORESTS Forests are for cutting, or at least American forests were. When early Americans paused to justify their headlong rush across continent, with its displacement and extermination of native populations, they tended to focus on this point: world, as John Locke had pointed out, was made for use of the industrious and rational, not layabout Native Americans who indifferently squandered natural wealth of continent. (1) One of rebellious colonists' major complaints against King was that he had forbidden them to settle west of Alleghenies, denying them right to make North America flourish under axe and plow. (2) Their key economic institution, private property, and their dawning political creed, equality of all white men, coincided in program of continental clearing and development: equality was real because everyone had chance to open up a share of nature's wealth for himself and his family. (3) Thomas Jefferson promised that western lands would keep this cornucopia blooming for a thousand generations. It was not last time a prominent American would go a little long on a boom. (4) William Blackstone, muse of American common law, had observed that without private property, world would have continued [to be] a forest, meaning much less opportunity for ordinary men to make places for themselves. (5) The Supreme Court echoed this theme in 1823, when Chief Justice John Marshall, providing what he called excuse, if not justification for United States' expropriation of Native American lands, observed that without introduction of Anglo-American property rights, Europeans would have had to leave country a wilderness. (6) These ideas were not just an affectation of judicial and presidential rhetoric. American political culture throughout most of nineteenth century embraced idea that cutting timber should be a right of citizenship, not just on private lands, but also on federal land that we today call public domain. After Civil War, secretaries of Interior Department intermittently tried to prosecute freelance timber-harvesters who floated most of forests of Midwest down Mississippi River or through Great Lakes to Chicago, frequently under fraudulent land claims or in naked grabs. In 1878, Interior Secretary Carl Schurz, a veteran of Germany's liberal 1848 revolutions, anti-slavery activist, and former senator from Missouri, invoked a broadly drafted 1831 statute restricting private cutting of certain trees on federal land (originally intended to ensure a supply of wood for building naval vessels) to stop unauthorized commercial timbering. (7) Besides genteelly delivered nativist slurs, many of Schurz's former senate colleagues accused him of instituting tyranny, violating traditional prerogatives of settlers, and hamstringing western development. (8) These arguments were woven together from several strands. …" @default.
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• W1572139403 date "2009-03-22" @default.
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• W1572139403 title "What Has to Change for Forests to Be Saved? A Historical Example From the United States" @default.
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