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• W1574459447 abstract "Family models can usefully consider the production and reproduction roles of women and men. For husband-wife families, the breadwinner, one-earner, or complementary-roles model has advantages in terms of efficiency/specialization and stability, but it is a high risk model for women and children in the face of the inability or unwillingness of the breadwinner to provide for (especially former) spouse and children. The alternate model has been called two-earner, companionship, “new families” or collaborative in the sense of spouses collaborating in both the paid and unpaid work needed to provide for and care for the family. When there are children, this can be called the co-provider and co-parenting model. Adopting the common metric of time-use to study both paid and unpaid work, the Canadian national surveys of 1986, 1992 and 1998 show that the traditional or neo-traditional models remain the most common, and the “double burden” is the second most frequent, but there is some evidence of change in the direction of more symmetric arrangements, especially for younger couples with children, when both are employed full-time. Patterns over the life course clearly indicate that women carry much more of the burden in terms of accommodating the meshing that needs to occur between productive and reproductive activities. Policies that would modernize families are discussed, including those that would reduce dependency in relationships. The study of family models has paid much attention to the transition from a breadwinner model to dual-earner families. When the focus is on domestic work, the literature is prone to conclude that the change has been from the homemaking model to women having a double burden. That is, the change in women’s labour force participation has not been accompanied by an equal change in the division of unpaid work, giving women a second shift. While these are clearly important family models, they can mask other distinctions and changes with regard to the division of paid and unpaid work. For instance, Hernandez (1993: 103) observes that the breadwinner or one-earner family comprised more than half of American families only for the period 1920-70, and never amounted to more than 57 percent of all families. He achieves these results by separating out the two-parent farm families which were previously the predominant model, and which are not unlike two-earner families. There has been a tendency to ignore the remaining differential involvement of husbands and wives in paid work, and to conclude too readily that the lack of change in men’s unpaid work implies a second shift in the sense of women having more total (paid plus unpaid) work than men. Sullivan (2000) observes that concepts such as double burden, second shift or stalled revolution have contributed to the understanding of the division of domestic work and related issues of power, but these ideas correspond to a “no change” model that tends to ignore the potential for and possibilities of change. While the relative earnings of men and women provide a means of analysing “productive” activities, the measurement of reproductive or caring activities is much less advanced." @default.
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• W1574459447 date "2001-01-01" @default.
• W1574459447 modified "2023-09-27" @default.
• W1574459447 title "Models of Earning and Caring: Evidence from Canadian Time-Use Data" @default.
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