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• W1604152390 abstract "[T]he suggestion that the first amendment ties our hands in dealing with ... revolutionaries ... is an unintended intimation of that most frightening of constitutional conceptions: the Constitution as a suicide pact.(1) Nowadays the First Amendment is the First Refuge of Scoundrels.(2) INTRODUCTION Freedom of speech is not absolute. With the possible exception of Associate Justice Hugo Black,(3) the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States have noted frequently that freedom of speech does not protect an unlimited class of speech-related activities.(4) Perhaps most famously, Justice Holmes explained that [t]he most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting in a theater and causing a panic.(5) Consistent with this view, the Supreme Court has sustained, against free speech objections, civil liability sounding in tort and contract, and upheld regulations prohibiting fraud, sexual harassment, and conspiracy.(6) Indeed, consistent with the First Amendment, the government may virtually regulate out of existence certain kinds of expressive materials, such as obscenity,(7) and certain kinds of expressive conduct, such as nude dancing(8) or the burning of draft registration cards.(9) If one begins to consider in a systematic fashion the recognized exceptions, the free speech protection afforded by the First Amendment might begin to seem rather meager. A cynical person might submit that the First Amendment's protections are limited largely to prohibiting government censorship based on viewpoint and the creation of prior restraints. Of course, one might decry this state of affairs and urge a more expansive interpretation of the Free Speech and Assembly Clauses.(10) The fact would remain that the federal courts have sustained a panoply of speech restrictions when necessary to protect important government interests. Undoubtedly, free speech imposes social costs on the community.(11) At its most basic, the use of public property for speech activity often precludes the property from being used for other, perhaps more usual, purposes. If a group of protesters stages a rally in the town square, those who wish to use the square for quiet contemplation are simply out of luck. Relatedly, if a pamphleteer distributes tracts that the uncaring public cavalierly tosses upon the sidewalk, the community is forced to absorb the cost of visual blight or additional street sweepers. Generally, the Supreme Court has prohibited government from redistributing the cost of speech activities to those engaged in a particular speech activity.(12) This is especially so when the costs are related directly to the local community's antipathy toward the speaker's message.(13) No reasonable person would quibble with these rules. The federal courts should not countenance a heckler's veto. That said, it does not require great imagination to conjure up a host of perfectly constitutional restrictions of free speech. Indeed, this Article already has sketched a number of scenarios in which government is permitted to tax the costs of the speech activity against the speaker.(14) If a moviegoer falsely shouts fire in a crowded theater, she is exposed to liability for the consequential damages resulting from the stampede for the door, including the injuries suffered by fellow patrons, lost revenue on the part of the theater owner, and perhaps even the costs associated with the dispatch of the local company.(15) Unlike the itinerant street minister,(16) the tortfeasor shouting fire in a crowded theater is liable for the full social costs of her speech activity. Obviously then, the fact that someone engages in speech activity or expressive conduct does not automatically insulate them from liability for the social harms caused by their speech activity or expressive conduct.(17) The question is more subtle: Sometimes the costs are imposed on the speaker, and other times they are not. …" @default.
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• W1604152390 date "2000-04-01" @default.
• W1604152390 modified "2023-09-24" @default.
• W1604152390 title "Recalibrating the Cost of Harm Advocacy: Getting beyond Brandenburg" @default.
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