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- W1605953043 abstract "Shakespeare and Republicanism, by Andrew Hadfield. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiii + 363. Hardback $80.00 Reviewer: Graham Hammill In Shakespeare and Republicanism Andrew Hadfield argues two main points. The first is that between execution of Mary and accession of James, Elizabethan England witnessed a (210) in which strands of republican thought coalesced-especially but not exclusively on London stage-to form a point of speculative opposition to a more strictly defined rule. Following Patrick Collinson's important and controversial work on what he calls Elizabeth's monarchical republic, Hadfield proposes that succession question opened possibility of an interim, quasi-republican oligarchy that decide question if Elizabeth died without naming an heir. This possibility, Hadfield argues, led to more general speculation over what forms of government might be better than monarchy. Driven by execution of Mary, potential republicans learned lesson that the conduct of other monarchs might be subject to hostile scrutiny (146), but stymied by an atmosphere of censorship, they taught this lesson in literature, where writers could explore their ideas in their chosen forms, as political theorists and historians (52). The unexpected stability that came with James's accession weakened this moment until, presumably, it was revitalized later in James's rule and after. Hadfield' s second point is that, as a sensitive to public imagination and committed to some degree or another to an antimonarchical position, Shakespeare [decided] to fashion himself as a republican writer (100). In this groundbreaking reading, Hadfield emplots engagement with republicanism by arguing for a career trajectory. That is, Hadfield argues that publication history of early plays and poetry tells story of a who wants to be seen and understood as a republican. We learn that Shakespeare positioned himself as a republican by promoting first tetralogy as his Pharsalia, (in arguments like Hadfield' s, references to and imitation of Lucan's being equivalent of a party card for early modern republicans). Shakespeare opposed dead-end figure of Elizabeth against promises of republican Rome in Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece. In Titus Andronicus Shakespeare argues for limited constitutionalism. And in Julius Caesar Shakespeare shows attempts to establish a republic inadvertently sow seeds of republic's destruction. Hadfield's bold and innovative analysis culminates with a fascinating reading of Hamlet. He argues that early engagement with republicanism comes to a head in Hamlet, which combines republican concerns about succession and rule of law with topical and references to Scotland in order to ask its audience how they would act if faced with an unjust and unpalatable succession, leaving them governed by a ruler who has obtained power by nefarious means (203). Hadfield concludes by arguing that Measure for Measure and Othello show waning of public republicanism as lames ascends to throne, although Hadfield also suggests that Shakespeare remained true to his republican commitments by reading Antony and Cleopatra as a cautionary example of problems of empire. One of most interesting quirks of this book is that argument is strongest when republicanism is waning or when, in case of Hadfield's reading of Hamlet, political content is suppressed and disguised (198). The argument tends to be weakest when republican elements are supposed to be more strongly present. In chapter 3, for instance, to show that first tetralogy makes up Shakespeare's Pharsalia (105), Hadfield discusses references to in these plays. The problem is that there aren't any direct references that Hadfield can find. …" @default.
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