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- W171836720 abstract "WATCHDOG AND ADVERSARY MODELS OF THE MEDIA Spokespersons for media regularly portray them as country's watchdogs, who root about in our national life, exposing what they deem right for exposure, without fear or favor.(1) Such self-congratulatory statements are traditionally supported by reference to Watergate exposures, which force a President from office,(2) and media's coverage of Vietnam War -- allegedly so open and critical that it helped firm up popular opposition and forced war's negotiated settlement. Nonetheless, many factors -- discussed below -- contribute to make mainstream media supportive of government policy and vulnerable to news management by government. This is most evident in foreign affairs reporting, in which strong domestic constituencies contesting government propaganda campaigns are rare, and in which government can employ ideological weapons like anti-communism, a demonized enemy or alleged national security threats to keep media compliant. Thus in 1980s Reagan administration was able to demonize Soviet Union as an Evil Empire, Libyan leader Muammar Qadhafi as premier terrorist, Grenada and Nicaragua as U.S. national security threats and Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega as a villainous drug dealer, with a high degree of mainstream media cooperation.(3) The media's generous self-appraisal is supported in a curious and indirect way by neo-conservative and business attacks, which have frequently charged that media are dominated by a liberal elite, hostile to business and government.(4) The same Watergate-Nixon evidence and Vietnam War coverage, cited by defenders of media as demonstrating their constructive role, is used by conservative critics to demonstrate media excess. Big Story, for example, purported to show that media's coverage of 1968 Tet offensive was inaccurate, adversarial and unpatriotic.(5) Cited often and without criticism, Big Story contributed to now-conventional belief not only that media was hostile to war, but also that the outcome of war was determined not in battlefield, but on printed page, and above all, on television screen.(6) John Corry of New York Times conceded that media bias argued by Braestrup existed, but contended that it was thoughtlessness, not deliberate subversive intent, that brought about this result.(7) These attacks, and half-hearted and compromised defenses have served media well. They suggest that those in power feel pressed by media and are not insulated from their rooting about. The media's liberal defenders have also helped legitimize media by uncritical nature of their rebuttals to neo-conservative criticism. Thus, Herbert Gans, attacking neo-conservative charges that media are dominated by a liberal elite, answered these critics in part by lauding media's professionalism and objectivity: The beliefs that actually make it into are professional values that are intrinsic to national journalism and that journalists learn on job....The rules of judgment call for ignoring story implications....with some notable exceptions, including libel and national security.(8) A similarly constrained scope of debate is evident in Reporters Under Fire, a book on media bias in foreign affairs. In it, media are accused by neo-conservative and right-wing critics -- Morton Kondracke, Ben Wattenberg, Daniel James, Shirley Christian and Allen Weinstein -- of an adversarial position to U.S. government in their coverage of Central America in 1980s, and to Israel at time of Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. On defensive, liberals argued either that media were evenhanded -- reporters Alan Riding and Karen De Young and academics William Leo Grande and Roger Morris -- or that their bias against Israel was a result of a double standard, according to which better things were expected of Israel -- Milton Viorst. …" @default.
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- W171836720 date "1993-06-22" @default.
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- W171836720 title "The Media's Role in U.S. Foreign Policy" @default.
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