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• W176579293 abstract "Controversy Concerning How Criminology Must Change Criminological researchers question whether criminology should be substantially revised to provide distinctly different theories of crime for women or whether past theories of criminogenesis can be utilized to understand criminality. Several criminologists call for a revamping of the field of criminology to incorporate more fully feminist thought and to formulate different theories of crime for women (Leonard, 1995; Messerschmidt, 1993; Naffme & Gale, 1989; Smart 1977). For example, Klein (1995) and Chesney-Lind (1989) advocate a new approach to theorizing women's crime - that has feminist roots and a radical orientation . . . that focuses on human needs rather than those of the state, [and that] will require new definitions of criminality, women, the individual and his/her relation to the state (Klein, 1995, p. 47). However, other criminologists (Smith & Paternoster, 1987) question the need for such a radical restructuring of criminology to account sufficiently for criminality. According to Morris (1987, p. 75), one does not need a special feminist theory to explain criminality: There is no reason to suppose that explanations for women's crime should be fundamentally different from explanations for men's crime though gender may play a part in any such explanation. Morris (1987, p. 77) suggests that traditional criminological theories need to be reread and reconsidered in the light of the potential for understanding women's crime. I share Morris's conviction that a special brand of theorizing is not required to adequately explain criminality. Therefore, in the research reported and analyzed in this paper, I rely on personal interviews with inmates to test three traditional theories: Agnew's Extended Strain Theory, Sutherland's Differential Association Theory, and Hirschi's 1969 Social Control Theory. Before elaborating on my research and its results, I will review literature relevant to the field of criminality and explain the three theories employed in the study. The Study of Female Criminality: Its Past and Present Early theories of criminality usually conceptualized women's criminal behavior as an outcome of their sexuality or of unresolved psychological difficulties. Scarce attention has been paid to how economic, social, and political forces pressure women into committing crimes (Klein, 1995, p. 31). Klein (1995) cites numerous works, including those of Lombroso (1920), Thomas (1923), Freud (1933), Davis (1937), and Otto Pollack (1950), to illustrate that genderbiased explanations of criminality have been the rule. Women have been neatly categorized no matter which kind of crime they commit: if they are violent, they are masculine suffering from chromosomal deficiencies, penis envy, or atavisms. If they conform, they are manipulative, sexually maladjusted and promiscuous. . . . The theme of sexuality is a unifying thread in the various, often contradictory theories (Klein, 1995, pp. 45-46). A number of scholars (Morris, 1987; Leonard, 1995; Merlo, 1995; Joycelyn Pollack, 1995; Belknap, 1996; Chesney-Lind & Shelden, 1998) review past sociological theories of criminogenesis to determine how well they explain criminality. An obvious flaw prevalent within such theories is their persistent androcentric bias (Chesney-Lind, 1989). According to Belknap (1996, p. 39), past theories of criminogenesis have failed to account adequately for offenders since they were developed to explain male criminality ... [and] fraught with sexist stereotypes often defining crime in terms oi sexuality. For a long time the study of criminality was a neglected subject within criminology. As Klein (1995, p. 31) observes, female criminality has often ended up as a footnote to works on men that purport to be works on criminality in general. …" @default.
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• W176579293 date "2004-10-01" @default.
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• W176579293 title "Understanding the Range of Female Criminality: A Prison-Based Test of Three Traditional Theories" @default.
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