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• W177135908 abstract "ASKED HOW HISTORY would remember him, Richard Nixon once said: think will remember me fairly. But historians won't. Because most historians are on the left. Likewise asked about his own presidency, Ronald Reagan, ever the optimist, replied: have no fears of that. . . . Whatever else may say about me when I am gone, I hope it will record that I appealed to your best hopes, not your worst fears, to your confidence, rather than your doubts. Yet of course -- as Nixon understood -- history is largely determined by those who write it. Put simply, bias matters. I have in mind here not journalists or popular biographers like the lately infamous Edmund Morris; their prejudices and peculiarities have been examined elsewhere, many times, and in considerable detail. Rather, my focus is on a different set of writers who are, in the long run, even more important to the historical reputation of any president -- those in the academy, and in particular professors of and political science. It is their verdict, and especially their emerging verdict on Ronald Reagan, that I wish to discuss. There is no argument about the political biases of these people. Stanford's department of history, for example, has 22 Democrats but just two Republicans. Dartmouth's has 10 Democrats and zero Republicans. Incredibly, Cornell's has 29 Democrats and not a single Republican. Particularly impressive, and reflecting the sort of political diversity seen in Castro's Cuba and the ayatollah's theocracy, the University of Colorado, Boulder registers stupefying single-party numbers: In the departments of history, English, and philosophy, there are 68 Democrats but no Republicans. Of the 190 professors surveyed in the university's social sciences and humanities department, 184 are Democrats and six are Republicans. A nationwide poll from the early 1990s found 88 percent of public affairs faculty identifying themselves as liberal, with 12 percent claiming to be middle of the road and, remarkably, 0 percent opting for the conservative label. Given such facts, conservatives in particular are right to fear that political bias will come to determine how the of the Reagan years is written. It is therefore all the more surprising -- it is indeed stunning -- to see that Ronald Reagan, contrary to such entirely rational fears, is actually faring quite well among academics in the learned journals, and in certain major academic books. But first, the bad news TO BE SURE, not all the news is good. Recall, for example, that Reagan left office with a public-approval rating well over 60 percent. His only postwar competitor was President Eisenhower. Reagan carried 44 states in 1980 and 49 in 1984. Nothing like this popular verdict has translated, even now, into the personal verdict of most academics. That Reagan continues to be viewed unfavorably in surveys among historians and political scientists is easily shown. A 1994 poll among 481 historians, for instance, ranked him twenty-eighth out of 37 presidents in greatness, placed in the group between Zachary Taylor and John Tyler. Aside from Nixon, these historians judged Reagan the worst president in six decades. Reagan did slightly better in a highly influential poll conducted by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., published in the prestigious Political Science Quarterly in summer 1997, where he registered at the bottom end of the average category. The Schlesinger survey included 30 academic luminaries, plus two liberal politicians -- Mario Cuomo and Paul Simon. Even so, Reagan actually received seven near great votes, far more than any other in the average category. This would have been enough to place him in the high category, but he was sunk by 13 and four failure votes. He came in one spot below his one-term successor George Bush, two below Rutherford Hayes, four below Martin Van Buren, five below Bill Clinton, 11 below lbj, and 13 beneath JFK. …" @default.
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• W177135908 title "Reagan among the Professors - His Surprising Reputation" @default.
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