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• W183677465 abstract "or nebulous concepts. In the case of the kozolec, it can be seen in each of these two 81 communities both as something that makes a difference on the landscape by creating a particular signature look – and also, it makes the two landscapes similar by binding together via its repeatability the people who use it. In both of these cases I have presented, the landscapes represented are many things at once. They are personal landscapes where the preferences of individuals are represented. When a farmer or a household decides to build this sort of kozolec or that, the force of a person’s preferences is inscribed on the landscape. They are ethnic landscapes wherein people who imagine a community make it real via an abstract concept. That real thing is a cultural form that is assumed to be intrinsic to the nature of those people filling the physical and emotional space of that landscape. That landscape is, in turn, a contested one where tensions among people as to “What is Slovenia?” change how that landscape looks. The emotional attachment to a place creates that place and shapes the identities of the people who are attached to it. The realities of Tacen and Dobrepolje are bound up in their futures not just as Slovenian ethnic places, but European places. The elaboration of the ethnic, national and cultural identities that emerge from these case studies are indicative of the influences of global processes on relatively small places. What it means to be someone who lives on the landscape of Dobrepolje, Tacen or wider Slovenia is not represented solely by the kozolec, but the kozolec is a practical way of affirming identity, if one so chooses. 82 Chapter 6 -Discussion Interrogating the Kozolec Vernacular architecture and material culture studies have changed over time from the collection and collation of types and forms to the interpretation and analysis of meaning of types and forms. The subject of this thesis, the Slovenian kozolec lends itself to both types of analysis. It is variegated and distributed across the Slovene landscape in such a way that the sheer numbers of its forms are worth note. It also is imbued with deep meaning for many Slovenes, and serves as a sign of where Slovenia is or where it has been. While this thesis has these two different traditions of vernacular architecture in mind, I want to ask the question: “Does the kozolec continue to serve as a practice by which Slovenes can express ethnic identity?” Furthermore, does it indicate where Slovenia is going? Has it evolved to reflect the new cultural and historical contexts Slovenia faces? By asking these sorts of questions, the older, more rational ways of ordering the kozolec as an artifact and interpreting its meaning have to be questioned as well. Does noting frequencies of occurrence and typologies do enough to know the kozolec? On the other hand, can one capture the essence of the kozolec’s meaning via interviews, interpretations and analysis of the landscape? Is a system of semiotics enough and does not this research method fall victim to the same epistemological problems the more positivist count-and-catalog method encounters? Maybe the point isn’t to make progress within these two traditions of vernacular architecture study at all. It could be that we should participate in acknowledgment of the kozolec, rather than essentializing what it means and attempting to have knowledge of it as a marker of identity. By this I mean, there is a difference between saying “Aha, we are in Slovenia. I see a 83 kozolec” and “One thing you should not miss in Slovenia is the many kozolci, used on the farm, preserved in museums, and appearing as signboards, fireplace mantels and carparks.” The former speaks to a reality about Slovenia as place that can be known in a pure sense. The latter speaks to a reality about Slovenia as a place that can be known in a practical sense and invites reflection and appreciation of nuance. The theoretical argument that this thesis makes about material culture studies and social science, in general, hinges on this difference. Knowing Purely When we develop epistemological perspectives about places as geographers, we fall prey to a desire to know a place in a pure sense. To appeal to episteme is to make pure knowledge the goal of a study or experiment. While this appeal has a long history in Western thought and certainly contributes to progress in human endeavors, it causes enormous problems in nonnormative situations. In other words, the making normative of a cultural form such as the kozolec, leads to more knowledge production emanating from the dominant paradigms about the kozolec and its nature. If a field researcher counts each and every kozolec in a valley, he or she can build a knowledge of that place that allows comparison, extrapolation and other empirical analyses to emanate from it. I did this very exercise in the case study of Videm-Dobrepolje. Alternately, if a field researcher says there are kozolci in Slovenia, and then begins to talk with people about those kozolci and what they mean, he or she is also setting up a similar situation. The knowledge produced can be subjected to discourse analysis or the like. After some time, another interviewer could come along and ask similar questions producing different results or affirming the first researcher’s work. In a sense, this is what I did throughout this whole course of study, but particularly in Tacen (and to a lesser extent Ribnica) where I lived and talked with people about 84 kozolci and what it means to be Slovene. That sort of knowledge is also an appeal to episteme as it attempts to know a place in a pure sense. It is akin to Sopher’s mention of the kozolec as part of a geography of home (Sopher 1989), because his interest in the kozolec was to develop a sense of the pure meaning of it on the Slovene landscape. The metaphor is clear: One knows no place better than home. When I talked to people about it and asked about it these certain terms, though, I received quite different answers -answers that were not part of a pure knowledge of a place and identity derived from that place, but rather part of a way of knowing not concerned with perfectability at all. It is this different sort of knowledge that I think has emerged from my study of the kozolec and its place on the Slovene landscape. There is no doubt that it is disappearing in its traditional form. Figure 27 illustrates to great effect how the collapse of this traditional use can occur in a relatively short period of time. This particular kozolec was one of the first large toplar style examples shown to me in the summer of 2003. Along the back road running over the Bloke Highlands from Ribnica to Cerknica – a place with many magnificent kozolci – this kozolec has collapsed into ruin. It dates from the late 19 to early 20 century and exemplifies the demise of the kozolec, in its pure sense, as an implement for drying hay and fodder. Or does it? If we change the terms, this collapse can be seen as something very" @default.
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• W183677465 title "The Kozolec: Material Culture, Identity, and Social Practice in Slovenia" @default.
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