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• W1884714776 abstract "Corporate Strategy and Industrial Development (CSID) University of the Witwatersrand Over three decades of neoliberal policies had a severe effect on labour, in developed and developing regions alike. In developed regions, neoliberalism managed to crash the resistance of organised labour, significantly curtailing its institutionalised power and splintering the ‘industrial citizenship’ that characterised the Keynesian era. As increasing shares of manufacturing production migrated towards developing regions, where the new development paradigm increasingly turned towards export-oriented strategies, armies of sweated labour were recruited to be deployed in the context of transnationalised production regimes. The logics of export-oriented industrialisation have been ferocious with labour in the so-called Global South. Simply reconceptualised as ‘comparative advantage’, here labour has been exposed to harsh patterns of commodification. As illustrated in many empirical studies focusing on global production networks, the exploitation of various informal institutions and deeply-rooted structural differences, such as gender, caste, ethnicity, mobility or geographical provenience has fuelled a ‘race to the bottom’ functional to the reproduction of labour as a flexible, disposable and ‘cheap’ commodity. Martinez-Novo (2004) stresses the relevance of gender and ethnicity in segmenting labour engaging in export agricultural production in Mexico. Ngai (2005) highlights the relevance of gender and mobility in shaping the identity of Chinese working classes engaging in export manufacturing, and my own work on the Indian export-oriented garment industry has mapped the distinct use of multiple ‘traditional’ structures of power to reproduce and tighten control over the Indian workforce (see Mezzadri, 2008). This process of informalisation of labour has generated a vast footloose proletariat, who lives in a ‘Global Factory’ (Chang, 2009), but whose modes of existence are increasingly complex and varied (Bernstein, 2007). By 2006, according to Mike Davies (quoted in Bernstein, 2007: 5), this proletariat was ‘one billion strong and growing, making it the fastest growing and most unprecedented social class on earth’. After bearing the brunt of the neoliberal capitalist logic for so long, it is somehow paradoxical that labour must now also bear the brunt of the current crisis of this logic. However, that is clearly the case. On the one hand, a point that is widely discussed, in many countries in Europe and in the US the costs of the crisis of the financial elites have been socialised by the state, while working classes were loosing their homes in a context of growing unemployment and insecurity. On the other hand, a point that is less widely discussed, the southern footloose proletariat might pay an even higher price because of the crisis of the system that subjugated it so harshly. The crisis, in fact, is slowly revealing all the contradictions and the limitations of overtly ‘outwardlooking’ development strategies. In some ways, one could argue that the working poor in many developing regions are going through a crisis which is effectively centuries old. It is a perennial crisis of reproduction, strenuously fought through highly diversified livelihood and survival strategies. However, imposing export-orientation as the deus ex machina for successful development, and boosting the process of informalisation of labour, neoliberalism has effectively created new vulnerabilities and patterns of dependency for the working poor. The present crisis of this system is now exposing these vulnerabilities in compelling ways. This is the case even in China and India; the two countries which, according to many observers, have benefited the most from export orientation, exploiting their huge reservoirs of cheap labour. In China, it is reported that floods of migrants (in the range of tens of million) have started their exodus to return to the rural hinterland, abandoning the buzzing urban industrial areas of the workshop of the world. The hukou (household registration) system, establishing a two-tiers citizenship system, welcomes Chinese rural migrant proletariat in the city only when it is employed. By the same token, the Indian labour employed in export-industries in many urban industrial areas seems to" @default.
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• W1884714776 date "2009-12-22" @default.
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• W1884714776 title "The global footloose proletariat and the financial crisis: reflections on the contradictions of export-oriented industrialisation in India" @default.
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