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• W1980187490 abstract "In Xhosa VSO clauses, subject agreement exhibits default features, objects cannot be pronominalized, a subject focus reading is obligatory, and experiencer verbs with two DP arguments are precluded. We argue that impoverished versions of T and v* in VSO clauses lack the probe features involved in subject agreement, EPP, object shift, and nominative/accusative valuation within Xhosa SVO sentences. Only an unusual focus-linked strategy can Case-license full DPs in VSO clauses, but this is incompatible with inherent Cases borne by arguments of experiencer verbs. We show that CPs and augmentless NPs appear in positions where DPs cannot surface because uCase is a feature of D. Given the striking evidence for abstract Case in Xhosa, we propose Case-friendly analyses for Bantu Case-theoretic anomalies that Xhosa shares." @default.
• W1980187490 created "2016-06-24" @default.
• W1980187490 creator A5024079059 @default.
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• W1980187490 date "2015-04-01" @default.
• W1980187490 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W1980187490 title "Radical Defectivity: Implications of Xhosa Expletive Constructions" @default.
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• W1980187490 doi "https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00180" @default.
• W1980187490 hasPublicationYear "2015" @default.
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