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• W1982841567 abstract "understanding of temporal relations. The second major point that emerged as an important factor in the present study. Children's abilities order events linguistically as past or future does not mean that they ignore aspectual features. The fact that more progressives were used describe the con inuous, nongoal-oriented past actions than This content downloaded from 207.46.13.128 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:24:30 UTC All use subject http://about.jstor.org/terms 504 Child Development the goal-oriented past actions clear evidence that the children differentiate linguistically between the progressive and the nonprogressive of actions. Furthermore, where the linguistic forms for coding the and the are identical, as in the past goal-oriented situations (past signifies both completed and past time), that form used more than any other. Where, however, the linguistic forms for coding the and the ordered time relation are divergent and varied, the children make flexible use of the different forms (progressive for continuous aspect, and either past or past auxiliary with progressive forms for past time). Thus, given linguistic options, children make use of them. The third point centers on which distinction children make first, or aspect. The present study does not provide adequate evidence answer the question, since, by the time the children are 3 years old, they are using past for both goal-oriented and nongoaloriented past actions. The present findings suggest tense and concurrently rather than either tense before or aspect before The question of precedence have be answered by researchers who study children from 18 months three years (such as Antinucci & Miller 1976; Bloom, Lifter, & Hafitz 1980; Sachs, in press). The question of whether the findings were parallel in the past and future conditions was the fourth point of concern. Although the findings for the coding of event time in relation speech time (tense) were comparable in the past and future conditions, the role of was different. There was no evidence that children coded event in their verbs in the future condition. The linguistic forms for continuous, progressive in the future-for example, They be swimming or They go swimming--occurred only twice in all of the data. The future form for completed, goal-oriented was never used, for example, They have swept up the dirt. Perhaps such forms were not used because the linguistic distinctions between different aspectual features of events are much less common in reference future events in English than they are in reference past events (Comrie 1976). Certainly the linguistic expression of more complex in the future domain. This syntactic/semantic complexity may result in it being learned and used later. The asymmetry in the linguistic expression of past and future reference in English noted by Lyons (1969). He comments that future reference in English as much a matter of mood-expressed by modal auxiliaries-as it one of tense. It may be that the linguistic coding of the aspectual feature of an event of less importance than the linguistic expression of mood, that is, the degree of certainty the speaker that the described event actually occur. Although the data for future auxiliaries other than is going to are limited, there are interesting tendencies. The intentional will never used by the 3-year-olds, and used only once by a 4-year-old. The auxiliary will used almost exclusively-and even then very little-by children from 5 through 7 years. However the 3-year-olds use the auxiliaries categorized as indicating necessity, has to and 's gotta, 20% of the time; these auxiliaries are used infrequently by the children 4 years and older. Possibly the ability ascribe volition or intentionality (via the auxiliary will) a toy moved by a force external itself only emerges once the child no longer experiences the toy as the object of an outside agent's actions and able represent mentally the toy as the actor. The preferred future auxiliary was is going to despite the evidence from comprehension studies that children understand future verbs when the auxiliary used will (Fraser, Bellugi, & Brown 1963; Lovell & Dixon 1967; Harner 1976; Herriot 1969). Using the present progressive may imply an extension of the present into the immediate future. The boundaries between the present and the future may be uncertain for the children. The issue of the boundaries of the present an important one. Bull (1971) points out that the present both a reference point for past and future actions and an expandable time period which arbitrarily determined boundaries with the past and the future. We cannot say exactly when the past ends and the present begins, or when the present ends and the future begins. A recent study of the comprehension of verb suggested that children had difficulty in distinguishing, both linguistically and conceptually, the boundaries between the past and the present and between the present and the future (Harner 1980). In their argument that precedes tense, Antinucci and Miller said that the early use of This content downloaded from 207.46.13.128 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:24:30 UTC All use subject http://about.jstor.org/terms" @default.
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• W1982841567 date "1981-06-01" @default.
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• W1982841567 title "Children Talk about the Time and Aspect of Actions" @default.
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• W1982841567 doi "https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1981.tb03073.x" @default.
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