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• W1984179216 abstract "Abstract Abstract Thaksin Shinawatra was not a populist when he rose to power in 2001, but became so in intensifying stages over the next five years. His populism went beyond redistributive policies to include rhetorical rejection of Thailand's political elite, and denigration of liberal democracy in favour of personalised authoritarianism. Fears provoked by this populism helped to mobilise the urban middle-class rejection of Thaksin which was background to the 2006 coup. Thaksin's populism was a response to the demands and insecurities of the large informal mass created by an outward-orientated strategy of development. Thaksin's populism resembles the neo-populism prevalent in Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s. Also like these regimes, Thaksin made no investment in mass organisation, and fell precipitately when subject to elite attack. In Latin America, this phase has been superseded by leaders with a more ideological message and greater investment in organisation. Key words: ThailandpopulismThaksin Shinawatra coup Latin America Acknowledgement This article began as a keynote speech at the International Conference of Thai Studies in de Kalb, April 2005. Thanks to the Center of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Kyoto, where it was originally written, and to the Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo, where it was finalised. For comments and advice, thanks to audiences at both those institutions, Kevin Hewison, Charles Keyes, and an anonymous reviewer. Notes 1 According to another definition, populism is any movement that “mobilises those who feel themselves to be disadvantaged by socioeconomic and political dislocation, as well as a leadership style that draws on a sense of disaffection from the established political system and elites” (Sabatini and Farnsworth, 2006 Sabatini, C. and Farnsworth, E. 2006. “A ‘Left Turn’ in Latin America? The Urgent Need for Labor Law Reform,”. Journal of Democracy, 17(4): 50–64. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]: 63, note 2). 2 The first use of the term “populist” to describe Thaksin in English appeared two days earlier in the Far Eastern Economic Review, but in an offhand way, expressing the view that the TRT election platform was not meant to be taken seriously: “In reality, stripped of its populist sheen, Thaksin's government will be one of big money and big-business interests, reflecting its leader's pedigree” (Crispin and Tasker, 2001 Crispin, S. and Tasker, R. 2001. “Thailand Incorporated,”. Far Eastern Economic Review, 18 January [Google Scholar]). The Review did not regularly apply the adjective to Thaksin until one year later. 3 Large volumes of shares in the Shinawatra companies had been filed under the names of the family's housekeeper, maid, driver and security guard, making them figure among the stock market's largest shareholders. 4 “Village” here is an official territorial unit used in both urban and rural areas. The funds were available to both urban and rural communities. 5 The first drafts of this argument by Hewison appeared in early 2002, as did our similar analysis of the double-headed nature of Thaksin's populism (Pasuk and Baker, 2002 Pasuk, Phongpaichit and Baker, C. 2002. “‘The Only Good Populist is a Rich Populist’: Thaksin Shinawatra and Thailand's Democracy,”. City University of Hong Kong. Southeast Asia Research Centre Working Papers No. 36, October [Google Scholar]). 6 This can be seen by comparison of the vote for TRT in the February 2005 and April 2006 polls, before and after the At Samat event. Votes cast for TRT increased by 11.5% in Roi-et (and by 13.2% and 17.9% in the neighbouring provinces of Yasothon and Kalasin which were also peripherally involved in the event), while falling 8.6% nationwide. Our calculation using unofficial results for the 2006 poll (there are no official results as the poll was rescinded). 7 Thai industrialisation is also very much part of global production chains, with many manufactured goods assembled using imported parts and inputs produced elsewhere. 8 From 2003, the Thaksin government set rice procurement prices above the market price. The coup government estimated this policy had cost 101.76 billion baht (The Nation, 14 October 2006). 9 As a crude index of the middle-class interest in populism, these are the total mentions of populism or populist in The Nation, using their web cache of past issues. 2001: 66; 2002: 150; 2003: 265; 2004: 280; 2005: 206; 2006: 307. 10 A graphic created by an anonymous academic and circulated in March 2006 purported to show a “Thaksin model” in which taxes levied on the middle class (25% of the population) paid for populist policies lavished on the poor (70%) to keep Thaksin in power to boost the wealth of the rich (5%). It concluded, “The middle class has to support the whole country.” The graphic appeared in several newspapers including The Nation, 20 March 2006. 11 Anek initially argued that people are rational to support Thaksin's populism, and should not be pictured as stupid and fooled (pp. 164-5). But later he compared populism to a mantra that can stupefy (sakot) people and to a whirlpool that can suck them down (pp. 166, 186); he dismissed TRT's election victory as illegitimate because of the use of money (pp. 179, 182); and argued that people need education to “upgrade their needs” (pp. 167, 185, 189-91)." @default.
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• W1984179216 title "Thaksin's populism" @default.
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