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• W1986501323 abstract "AbstractThis article explores the diachronic relationship between strategy choice and the life course of social movements. By proposing a model of reiterated strategy-making, the article articulates a path-dependent logic of dilemma-solving in social movements: Earlier strategic choices shape future strategic choices. Moreover, I distinguish contingent dilemmas from recurring dilemmas. Contingent dilemmas are those that only exist at particular points in time and recurring dilemmas are those that entangle the movement across time. In this model, I argue that a strategic choice not only produces future contingent dilemmas but also brings the recurring dilemma back to revisit the social movement. Using the Reds movement – an anticorruption movement in Taiwan – as the case, I illustrate the intertwined relationship between contingent and recurring dilemmas and how this relationship accounts for the life course of social movements.Keywords:: Startegic dilemmalife coursereiterative dilemma-solving modelpath-dependencythe Reds AcknowledgementsFor comments and suggestions, the author is grateful to Ann Mische, James Jasper, Paul McLean, Hsin-Yi Yeh, and Jacqueline Ramey, to Politics and Protest Workshop participants at CUNY, and to SMS editor John Krinsky and reviewers.Notes 1. According to Haydu, using problem-solving to connect historical events is a strategy to ‘strike a welcome balance between causal generalization and historical detail’ (Haydu, Citation1998, p. 339). Although reiterated problem-solving does not use historical contingencies – the popular explanation in the common model of path-dependency – to explain historical development, he agreed that reiterated problem-solving is a subset of path-dependency if we use the loose definition. However, he argued that the reiterated problem-solving process is ‘the more specific arguments about turning points and lock-in mechanisms that really make path dependency something more than plain historical common sense’ (Haydu, Citation1998, p. 352). 2. I selected the interviewees by snowball sampling. I first contacted the leaders who were reported on in the newspapers. Then I interviewed these leaders and asked them to recommend the next interviewees. The snowball sampling stopped when the interviewees recommended the same candidates. Interviewees such as John Wei and Po-Yun Hsu told me that I had covered all significant leaders of the Reds except Ming-teh Shih. They confirmed to me that these interviewees were involved in most of the strategy-making and knew the whole story of the Reds. Although I did not interview Ming-teh Shih, his published memoir of the Reds helped me understand his memory and evaluation of the movement's strategy selection. 3. In his memoir, Shih (Citation2009) mentioned that he was unsatisfied that the DPP tailored the party rules to nominate Shui-bien Chen as the candidate for president in 2000. In addition, his stand on China differed from the official stand of the DPP. These two reasons explain his distance from the mainstream of the green camp. 4. They were Ming-teh Shih, John Wei, Yao-chang Chen, Gu-fang Lin, De-fan Ho (left during the campaign), and Fu-Chung Chang (added after the leave of De-fan Ho). 5. Several interviewees mentioned that Ming-teh Shih overturned the decisions made in previous meetings because he claimed that he obtained secret information. 6. Haydu (Citation1998) indicated that identification of the recurring problem can be on theoretical or practical levels. Theoretically, the confrontation of the national identities was the most significant cleavage in Taiwan. The Reds unavoidably faced this problem, especially since the goal of the Reds was highly political. On a practical level, all of my interviewees mentioned that the issue of the blue and the green influenced the movement. Therefore, the how to deal with confrontation between the blue and the green camps was the recurring problem of the Reds. 7. One example to demonstrate this attitude of the blue camp was the conversation among Kun-li Liu (one daily coordinator) and several female Taipei City councilors. Kun-li Liu mentioned that these councilors appreciated for his help to operate the Reds for the blue camp. While Kun-li Liu corrected them that the Reds was a civic movement not a blue movement instantly, this example showed that the blue camp treated the Reds as an ally. 8. Chao (Citation2006) used ‘cold support’ to describe the attitude of the green supporters toward President Shui-bian Chen's scandal. He indicated that the green supporters wanted to achieve Taiwan's complete independence and chose to ignore the scandal. Although the green camp did not launch a campaign to support President Chen (hot support), green supporters refused to participate in the Reds. 9. For example, he condemned President Shui-bian Chen that he could ‘give Taiwanese dreams and hopes’ and argued that he launched the campaign because ‘I (Ming-teh Shih) love Taiwan, justice, and integrity.’ The party line or the controversy over national identity was not in his speech.10.UDN, August 13, 2006, p. A7.11. The composition of the decision-making committee, daily coordinators, and counselors demonstrated this consideration. Here are examples: Yao-chang Chen (doctor and former convener of the vice-president's medical team), John Wei (lawyer and had labor movement experience), Po-yun Hsu (an important figure in cultural activities), Jerry Fan (owner of a commercial advertising company), De-fan Ho (professor and some experience in democratic movements), De-fu Hu (musician), and James Jian (the director of a nongovernmental organization and former DPP legislator).12. Because of the effect of the ‘either blue or green’ frame and the prohibition of the green camp against joining the Reds, Ming-teh Shih could only recruit marginal people in the green camp. Examples include James Jian, Fu-chung Chang, and John Wei.13. For example, some green politicians implied that Ming-teh Shih was the vanguard of the blue camp. They even accused Ming-teh Shih of activating the movement because he obtained benefit from the blue camp. President Shui-bian Chen also mentioned publicly that the Reds was the product of conflicts between different political parties and national identities (Taipei Times, August 13, 2006, p. 1).14. The official stance of the blue camp was not to engage in the operations of the Reds. For example, the chairmen of the KMT and the PFP, Ying-jeou Ma and James Song, respectively, claimed that neither of the political parties would be involved in the operations of the Reds. Ying-jeou Ma even mentioned in a KMT meeting, ‘If the KMT helps Ming-teh Shih, people may think that it's the KMT again’ (UDN, August 13, 2006, p. A7). However, some blue politicians still wanted to join the Reds to obtain political benefits.15. Instead of innovative ‘repertoires,’ I use innovative ‘performances’ to describe the creative moves of the Reds. Repertoires suggest a longer term and larger scale set of routines in social movement development. However, the creative moves of the Reds were on a small scale and based on the tactical repertoires of social movements. For example, they followed the repertoire of the sit-in but creatively proposed a round-the-clock sit-in by turns. Therefore, according to Tilly's (Citation2008, p. 14) categorization, I use innovative performances to describe the Reds' choice in innovative dilemmas.16. According to the interview with Po-yun Hsu, the symphonies played included ‘Fate,’ ‘Finlandia,’ and ‘A Hymn to My Country.’ He explained the meanings of these choices in the interview. According to Po-yun Hsu, ‘Fate’ indicated that the Reds movement was knocking at a gate of fate; ‘Finlandia’ meant that the Reds movement was fighting for the common good of the country; and ‘A Hymn to My Country’ reminded people not to let corruption destroy our beautiful country.17. De-fen Ho was a representative figure of the veterans. She opposed the flexible model because she believed that social movements were supposed to involve serious and somber activities so as to demonstrate the activists' resolution. She argued that the flexible model could not achieve this goal and that it commercialized the whole movement.18. In their interviews, two veterans, James Jian and John Wei, explained why the Reds usually adopted the novices' proposal regarding Ming-teh Shih's role in decision-making. Both of them complained that Ming-teh Shih was close to the novice leaders. Therefore, Ming-teh Shih usually supported the novices' suggestions. Asked whether they challenged Ming-teh Shih's decisions, both answered that they did not challenge Ming-teh Shih because of his prior status in the movement.19. This dilemma was inspired by Jasper's ‘basket dilemma’ (Citation2006, p. 146). To relate it to my case, I have re-termed this dilemma as the ‘one or more targets dilemma.’20. A vivid example is that the Reds forbade mention of a Taiwanese identity. When the leader Wang Li-Ping mentioned, ‘For Taiwan this country,’ the participants asked her stop and leave the forum. In contrast, when one participant said, ‘Viva the KMT,’ the participants were fine with the declaration.21. Some leaders criticized the ‘bluelization’ of the Reds and ascribed it as the main reason for the Reds failure. For example, Chaung Yen, a leader in the initial stage who left the leadership team later, even directly accused the group of the ‘bluelization’ of the movement in a media interview. He recalled that starting from the middle stages, the campaign became a stage for politicians from the blue camp. This situation changed the nature of the campaign and damaged the neutral image of the campaign (E-Sun Weekly, August 2009, p. 3).22. In the press conference, Ying-jeou Ma explained that this decision did not violate the Assembly and Parade Law and argued that people had the right to express their opinions through demonstrations. He said, ‘The deadline of the demonstration is set by the police to ensure quality of life for local residents. The rights to assembly and parade are protected by the Constitution, and the city government is responsible for protecting the protesters if the rally is approved.’ However, he also confirmed that the approval was conditional. Once the activities of the Reds violated the law or disturbed people's daily life, the approval would be canceled (Taipei Times, August 18, 2006, p. 3).23. These compromises included that the demonstration would be peaceful and that Ming-teh Shih would not participate in the presidential election of 2008.24. Ying-jeou Ma explained the revocation in the press conference. Ma said the police department revoked the campaign's permit because it had failed to follow the conditions required by the city government during its illegal protest on October 10 (Taipei Times, October 14, 2006, p. 1 ). In the protest, the Reds tried to block officials, pan-green legislators, and foreign guests from entering and leaving the Double Tenth National Day ceremony in front of the presidential office building, changed the rally route for which the Reds had applied, and left many policemen hurt (Taipei Times, October 11, 2006, p. 1).Additional informationNotes on contributorsYu-Sheng LinYu-Sheng Lin received his Ph.D. degree from Department of Sociology at Rutgers University in 2014. He is interested in social movements, public deliberation, and political sociology. His works have been published in Taiwanese Journal of Sociology and Taiwan Democracy Quarterly." @default.
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• W1986501323 date "2014-06-18" @default.
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• W1986501323 title "The Rise and Fall of the Reds: The Reiterated Dilemma-Solving Process and the Life Course of Social Movements" @default.
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