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• W2002038884 abstract "Abstract The ‘left’ populist argument of ‘culturally-perceived’ poverty, proposed by subsistence ecofeminist Vandana Shiva, is gaining increasing currency in the contemporary ‘Anti-Globalization’ Movement. This article maintains that, instead of challenging neoliberalism, however, this notion lends itself to complicity with it and, moreover, with fundamentalist and reactionary currents that are on the rise worldwide. In order to make this case, it examines four main political currents influencing Shiva: Gandhism, Western maternal feminism, the post-development framework of Gustavo Esteva, and the New Age eco-spirituality of Rudolph Bahro. Also considered are some of the theoretical overlaps with the Right in which Shiva and these mentoring currents have become implicated. Notes 1 This workshop was entitled ‘A Feminist Challenge to the Market: The Gift Economy’. The ‘gift economy’ refers to proposal by Genevieve Vaughan Citation1997 that globalized capitalism be replaced with a gift economy based on women's mothering. Although this workshop focused mainly on the ideas of Vaughan and her associates, there was also integration of ideas taken from Shiva Citation1987; Citation1989. We were informed at the workshop that the ‘activist’ group that organized the session, Toronto Women for a Just and Healthy Planet, was not presently active. 2 For an article espousing this perspective, see Christiansen-Ruffman Citation2002. For an alternative feminist analysis of the impact of the fisheries crisis on Newfoundland women see Power and Harrison Citation2005. For a critique of the claim that Newfoundland – after European settlement – was ever a true subsistence economy, see Overton Citation2000. 3 According to Overton Citation2000: 6], ‘Undoubtedly, the main force behind the collapse of the fishing stocks is the drive to accumulate capital in the fishing industry and the state's unwillingness to limit this drive even in the interests of protecting the continued viability of the fish stocks in the north west North Atlantic Ocean’. For a more detailed discussion of the role of corporate greed in the failure of the Newfoundland fisheries, see Petras and Veltmeyer Citation2003: 132ff]. 4 Locke fails to mention, however, that in sharp contrast to Mexican migrant workers coming to the US and Canada on temporary work permits, Newfoundlanders have the right to settle wherever they move in Canada (which, these days, is generally Alberta) and to claim benefits like healthcare and employment insurance from the Canadian state. As well, even though they are often the butt of ethnocentric Newfie jokes, the great majority still benefit from considerable white privilege. It is interesting to note that the next article in this publication was an interview, with the Venezuelan ambassador to Canada, which focused on how the Chavez government managed to obtain a majority stake in all the oil developments in Venezuela. In recent negotiations with oil companies, the Newfoundland government's request for a 4.9% equity stake was refused [Current, Citation2006: 6]. 5 While Arturo Escobar is purportedly one of the most high-profile advocates of post-development, it is worth noting, in Escobar Citation1995, his totally uncritical appropriation of Shiva Citation1989. 6 See, for example, Boggs Citation1999, Loker Citation1999, and Petras and Veltmeyer Citation2003. 7 For more on this, see Bové and Dufour Citation2001, and the contributions to four edited collections about grassroots mobilization in India, Latin America and Mexico [Demmers, Fernández Jilberto and Hogenboom, Citation2001; Brass, Citation1995, Citation2003; Washbrook, Citation2007. Agrarian populism is an ideology that has deep historical roots, in Europe [Mitrany, Citation1951, the US [Hicks, Citation1931 and in Russia [Venturi, Citation1960. In all these contexts, it was deployed from the late nineteenth century onwards by peasants and small farmers opposed to the effects of capitalist development. 8 The link between these frameworks and what is termed the ‘new’ populist postmodernism is outlined by Brass Citation2000. 9 Much of what passes for ‘post-development’ theory is more accurately perceived as the politics of anti-development, advocates of which – for example Harding Citation2000– maintain that the global process of economic development (identified as male and scientific) should be replaced with a localized smallholding agriculture (identified as female and ‘natural’). 10 On the connection between gender discourse and rightwing politics in different national contexts at particular conjunctures, see Koonz Citation1984, Caldwell Citation1986, Blee Citation1991, Mazumdar Citation1995 and Durham Citation1998. For the equation of females with subsistence agriculture, see among others Howard Citation2003 and Haverkort, van 't Hooft and Hiemstra Citation2003. The difficulty arising from a strong ideological association of subsistence agriculture with females is that a defence of peasant economy is likely to attract the support of poor rural women, while an attack on it is equally likely to generate their antagonism. Where private property in agriculture is a policy advocated by the political right, the defence of smallholding cultivation as a specifically gendered activity (=the provision of subsistence by women for the peasant family) means that females may align themselves with such parties. This is a problem facing those who currently endorse smallholding agriculture as the ‘natural’ and gendered ‘other’ of neoliberalism. 11 Emphasis added. Roy and Borowiak's article focuses exclusively on India. Hence the omission of race as a significant ‘fracture … within the collective peasant subject’. 12 It is interesting to note that some of those who originally welcomed the postmodern/populist attack on development have subsequently found this position to be very problematic, and have accordingly changed their minds. Although others have rejected particular aspects of the attack on development, they still cling to some positions that are basically populist. 13 Shiva Citation2005b: 112] does finally acknowledge that Bahro Citation1984: 211] is the source of this idea. 14 For a critique of Shiva's ‘mythical’ version of the Chipko movement, see Rangan Citation2000. 15 Moreover, portrayals of nature as a woman being tortured by a mechanistic science in search of her secrets ‘rests on a careless translation of Bacon's Latin.’ 16 For a discussion of cultural feminism, and a history of its rise and eclipse of the radical feminism with which it is often conflated, see Echols Citation1989. 17 Esteva Citation1987: 276, 293] equates populism with the ‘rhetorical “we”[of] a populist politician’ who ‘transform[s] hopes into promises’. 18 Esteva [Esteva and Prakash, Citation1998: 2–3] distinguishes his grassroots postmodernism from academic postmodernism. However, as Brass Citation1997; Citation2000, Nanda Citation2003, and others would argue – and I agree – academic postmodernism and poststructuralism are merely different forms of populism. Thus they also lend themselves to many, although not all, of the problems considered here, especially those discussed below. For an interesting discussion of the link between populism, postmodernism and Islamic fundamentalism, see Moghissi Citation1994; Citation1999. 19 For a very different interpretation of Zapatismo as also including a struggle against oppressive aspects of tradition, see Lorenzano Citation1998 and Millán Citation1998. 20 Ironically, the main charge that Harry Cleaver Citation1987: 12] levels against Illich for his residual Catholicism –‘his embrace of a life of aestheticism, of a monk's life of freely chosen poverty’– is equally applicable to Esteva. 21 However, it is interesting to note that, contrary to Esteva, the Revolutionary Women's Law, proclaimed by the Zapatista women in January 1994, specifies in Articles 3 and 6 respectively that ‘Women have the right to decide the number of children they can have and care for’ and that ‘Women have the right to education’[Millán, Citation1998: 75]. 22 This book garnered the Prix de la vie économique in Paris in 1980. 23 While TévoédjrèCitation1979: 73] integrates some elements of Ivan Illich's notion of ‘conviviality’ in his understanding of technology, it is interesting to note here as well the influence of social ecologist Murray Bookchin. However, Tévoédjrè retains the state while Bookchin, a social anarchist – or, maybe more accurately from the late 1990s on, due to his fundamental disagreement with ‘lifestyle’ and poststructuralist approaches to anarchism, just a social ecologist – called for a confederal libertarian municipalism. 24 This would seem to be a rather idealist solution to the problem of corruption and the usurping of power by political leaders. However, a full discussion of Tévoédjrè's proposals is beyond the scope of this article. 25 On Bahro and the German Green Party, see Hülsberg Citation1988. 26 It is highly likely that the concept of ‘Mother Earth’, which Shiva Citation1989; Citation2005b celebrates as central to indigenous cultures, but which does not even exist in the main indigenous languages in Canada, is a European transplant that entered native cultures through interactions with ‘hippie communities’ in the 1960s [Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Citation2003. 27 See also Brass Citation1997; Citation2000. 28 In criticizing subsistence ecofeminism, I am not dismissing ecofeminism per se. Subsistence ecofeminism is a form of cultural ecofeminism that, in its other, largely Western varieties – for example, animal advocacy ecofeminism and spiritualist ecofeminism – is also deeply problematic. However, the socialist ecofeminism – or socialist/feminist environmentalism – of Plumwood Citation1993 and Soper Citation1995 is considerably more sophisticated and politically astute than is subsistence ecofeminism. Postmodern ecofeminists, such as Sandilands Citation1999: 51–53, 137–139, 142, 179 ff], also criticized Shiva and her associates. Yet this critique is limited because postmodern ecofeminism tends to be ahistorical and, in its own way, highly Romantic. Sandilands' Citation1999: 179 ff.] ultimate celebration of the ‘mystery’ and ‘wildness’ of nature is, for example, deeply evocative of the Romantic-religious aesthetics of the sublime. Similarly, Sandilands’Citation1998 postmodern queer ‘analysis’ of the population issue in the ‘Global South’ is, in keeping with her basic Romanticism, ahistorical and highly idealist. 29 It should be noted that this article was published in a special issue of Canadian Woman Studies, focusing on ‘Women and Sustainability’, that was guest-edited (and‘blind reviewed’) by Ana Isla, Leigh Brownhill, Myriam Wyman, and Brenda Cranney. The issue also contained an article co-authored by Brownhill (with Turner) and a reprinted review of Cranney's book. There were no articles critical of the subsistence perspective. 30 Significantly, the same claim was made by British colonialism when confronted by famine in rural Africa, the inference being that there was no need for government aid in such crises as village society would ensure adequate provision [Vaughan, Citation1987. 31 For a discussion of how the subsistence perspective might be applied in the North, see articles by Helena Norberg-Hodge, Christa Műller, Elizabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, and Veronika Bennholdt-Thomsen in Bennholdt-Thomsen, Faraclas, and von Werlhof Citation2001. 32 For Holloway Citation2002: 73], ‘to focus on the multiplicity [of forces making up power] and forget the underlying unity of power relations leads to a loss of political perspective: emancipation becomes impossible to conceive, as Foucault is at pains to point out’. In a similar fashion, Holloway Citation2002: 171–173] takes Hardt and Negri to task for their undialectical understanding of capital: ‘Hardt and Negri have no concept of capital as class struggle’[,] … as the struggle to appropriate the done and turn it against the doing’ and thus ‘crisis is not so much a moment of rupture as a force of regeneration in capitalism’. Holloway Citation2002: 64] is also cognizant of the reality that ‘the nationalism of the oppressed (anti-imperialist nationalism), although it may aim at radical social transformation, is easily diverted from its broader aims into simply replacing “their” capitalists with “ours”’. Although he is critical of nationalism and postmodernism/poststructuralism, he does not discuss populism, however. This is a significant omission given Holloway's Citation2002: 21] description of Zapatismo as ‘highly contradictory, and certainly includ[ing] many activities that might be described as “petty bourgeois” or “romantic” … [Y]et the projection of a radical otherness is often an important component of the activity involved…. This is the confused area in which the Zapatista call resonates.’ What is to prevent this ‘radical otherness’ from lending support to a populist politics of preserving an indigenous or peasant ‘identity’ rather than to the proto-council communism that Holloway Citation2002: 105] seems to be reading into Zapatismo? 33 Pace Shiva, who blames this conflation on capitalism and especially laissez faire economic theory [Mies and Shiva, Citation1993: 108–116]. 34 For a more extensive examination and critique of the politics of the IFG, see Westerink Citation2000. 35 On this, see ‘Leading ecologist to address far right: French speaking engagement attacked by Greens’, The Guardian (London), 25 November 1994, and the subsequent correspondence about this on the letters page of the same newspaper (‘Ecologists and their right to be independent’, The Guardian (London), 5 December 1994). As well as accepting an invitation to address the 25th anniversary meeting of GRECE in 1994, Goldsmith also participated in a 1997 meeting of TeKos, a think tank associated with the Belgian extreme-right Vlaams Blok[Krebbers and Schoenmaker, Citation2001: 65]. 36 Quoted in Krebbers Citation2001: 81]. 37 Quoted in Hildyard Citation1999: 8]. 38 Hildyard is a former member of the editorial team of The Ecologist. He left the magazine, together with the rest of the editorial team, due to political differences with Goldsmith over issues related to ethnicity and gender. 39 Quoted in Hildyard Citation1999: 6]. 40 Many of Shiva's critics complain about her constant conflation of ‘Indian’ philosophy with Hindu philosophy. Given that non-Hindu minorities comprise about 20% of the population of India, and that these same minorities have suffered considerable violence at the hands of Hindu fundamentalists, this conflation is insensitive to say the least. 41 The extent to which the new farmers’ movement in India shared a common ideology with the political right was pointed out initially at a 1993 workshop in New Delhi, some contributions to which were subsequently published as a special issue of this journal in 1994 and then as a book [Brass, Citation1995. 42 For the same point made almost a decade and a half ago, see the contributions by Brass in Brass Citation1995. 43 Many religious minorities in India were, in earlier times, dalits. They converted to Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, and other religions specifically because these religions lacked a caste system. Forcing them to acknowledge their ‘essential Hinduism’ thus entails forcing them back into the lowest echelon of the caste system. 44 And, vice versa, aspects of Hindu fundamentalism served some interests of Gandhians. For example, Gandhian populist Rajani Kanth Citation1997: 113–114, 117], whose call for a ‘workable … utopia, wearing necessarily a feminine face, [that] lies(s) … in our own historic past – and present’ is inspired by Shiva, sees the Hindu nationalist BJP as representing ‘the inevitable resurgence of long suppressed local ideas, mores, and practices’. For Kanth, that ‘traditional mores are today dismissed wholesale, i.e., uncritically, as “fundamentalist” by the West suggests only that they are simply inimical to the development of capitalist (and socialist) modernisms’. ‘The fact that much of this populism appears to be reactionary should not daunt the serious observer’, argues Kanth Citation1997: 151–152], because ‘it is not always the populism but the leadership ready to seize advantage of it, that has been opportunist’. 45 Feminists should, of course, be criticizing social movements that fail to make provisions for mothers with children who want to participate in meetings, events, and political activity, and that ignore or downplay issues that have an impact on pregnant women, women who are mothering, and children. However, maternal feminism goes far beyond this to argue that feminist politics be modelled on the caring relationship of a mother for her infant child. Modelling political relationships among adult women, who often differ in class, race/ethnicity/caste, and/or sexual orientation, on an adult-infant relationship and, moreover, one wherein class and, most often, race are shared and sexual orientation is not yet an issue, is an extremely problematic stance. However, a full discussion of this issue is beyond the scope of this article. 46 This is the subject of Wendy Lill's Citation1985 insightful play The Fighting Days. 47 According to Mies [Mies and Shiva, Citation1993: 159], fascism arises from the ‘rationalist paradigm’ of science and from industrialism: ‘This thought-taboo [“around issues like motherhood, land, and so on”] prevents a real critique of fascism and its use of women for its motherhood ideology, because those who profited most from fascism were not “irrational” women but rather in particular, those scientists who were wedded to the rationalist paradigm and the industrialists who used this rationalist science for their war preparations’. 48 There are interesting parallels between the way in which Gandhi's cultural-essentialist populism lent itself to appropriation by Hindu nationalists, and how an essentialist maternal-feminist populism became complicit with racist nationalism during the suffrage campaigns. Gandhi's ‘affirmative Orientalism’, for example, resonates strongly with the ‘counter-cultural’ stance of cultural feminism that seeks to reverse pejorative patriarchal stereotypes of women as essentially emotional and as closer to nature by reclaiming these attributes as affirmative. There are also significant similarities between the critique of ‘universalist feminism’ and the arguments for a ‘differentialist feminism’ made by French New Rightists, Benoist and Champetier Citation2000, and cultural feminism's critique of liberal feminism and its espousal of a feminism rooted in women's ‘difference’. 49 The behavioural characteristics associated by Oscar Lewis with the ‘culture of poverty’ included fatalism, familism and dependence, negative traits culminating in (and in his view responsible for) political and economic marginalization of slum dwellers within the wider society. According to Lewis Citation1962: xxvi], therefore, in Mexico ‘the culture of poverty…is a provincial and locally oriented culture. Its members are only partially integrated into national institutions and are marginal people even when they live in the heart of a great city.’ For a critique, see Valentine Citation1968. 50 The populist drift of Via Campesina and its member organization CLOC – celebrations of ‘harmonious’ peasant lifestyles, subsistence economies, ‘integral cosmovisions’, etc. – is very obvious in Carvalho Citation2004. 51 The observations of American right-winger, Matt Hale [as cited in Hamerquist, Citation2002: 36–37], on the Seattle protests are also relevant here: ‘What happened at Seattle is a precursor for the future – when White people in droves protest the actions of world Jewry … by taking to the streets…. I witnessed some of the marches, and while there was certainly a fair amount of non-white trash in them, the vast majority were White people of good blood…. It is from the likes of the White people who protested the WTO … that our World Church of the Creator must look to for our converts … [and to] the left wing [–] … we should concentrate on these zealots’. 52 Various other authors have also discussed the phenomenon of right-wing ‘anti-globalization’. However, most of these have tended to draw a sharp distinction between the mainstream AGM and right-wing anti-globalizers by ignoring or denying the significant extent to which the politics of the mainstream AGM, South and North, is populist/postmodern. Acknowledging the existence of a ‘reactionary anti-capitalism’ that also opposes economic globalization, Callinicos Citation2003: 68–70] strongly disassociates this from the mainstream AGM by arguing that one of the mainstream AGM's ‘main impulses is internationalism, and in particular, solidarity with the poor and oppressed of the South.’ For Callinicos Citation2003: 11], the AGM ‘marks the breakdown of the hegemony that postmodernism has exerted over avant-garde thinking over much of the past two decades’. Manfred Steger Citation2003: 113–130] differentiates the economic nationalism of ‘particularist protectionists’, like Buchanan, from the ‘ideals of equality and social justice’ espoused by ‘universalist protectionists’. However, he then goes on to include, among the ‘universalist protectionists’, groups like the IFG. While Kiely Citation2005: 176–183] notes that ‘there is something of a reactionary, romantic anti-capitalism in some pro-localisation accounts, particularly those associated with Shiva, and a politics based on the principle of “local first” can lead to an embrace of right-wing anti-globalisation’, he sees the mainstream AGM as ‘actively seeking to separate itself from right-wing anti-globalisation’ through its ‘explicit commitment to global solidarity’. The particularist and/or individualist orientation of much mainstream AGM activism (on which see Cochrane Citation2002, Citation2004 and Chandler Citation2004: 168–170]), however, calls into question the existence of such internationalism and global solidarity. For three striking examples of this individualist and particularist orientation in the AGM, see Free Association Citation2005: 25], Pettman Citation2005, and Sullivan Citation2005. 53 This calls into question as well the Zapatista slogan ‘One no, many yeses’. 54 The De Fabel website (http://www.gebladerte.nl/v01.htm) is an invaluable source of critical analyses of the inroads that the Right is presently making on ‘left’ populist orientations and campaigns. Additional informationNotes on contributorsRegina Cochrane An earlier version was presented at the conference Another World is Necessary/Otro Mundo es Necesario, San Miguel de Allende, Mexico, in July 2006. For a Spanish version of this conference paper, see: http://www.globaljusticecenter.org/ponencias2006/cochraneESP.htm. The author would like to acknowledge receipt of a University of Calgary URGC grant, for a project entitled ‘Ecofeminism, Globalization, and Modernity’, that allowed her to attend the 2004 World Social Forum in Mumbai and to spend time in India afterwards gathering information on ecofeminism. She would like to thank Meera Nanda, Martha Langford, and Maggie Osler for providing some key references and, especially, Tom Brass for his extensive and very helpful suggestions on revising this article." @default.
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• W2002038884 title "Rural poverty and impoverished theory: Cultural populism, ecofeminism, and global justice" @default.
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