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• W2002448788 abstract "I. Political RepresentationRepresentation means making of something that is nevertheless not literally present.1 This definition, provided by Hanna Pitkin in her celebrated book on subject, contrasts strongly with most modern discussions of political representation which regularly delimit their focus to technical questions of election and accountability.2 Even theorists who see in government classical virtues of a necessarily chastened (public) authority rely on impoverished notions of political representation in sense of definition outlined above.3 As Pitkin herself suggested, political representation explores way in which the people (or a constituency) are in governmental action, even though they do not literally act for themselves.4 This paper examines Carl Schmitt's solution to this quandary of political representation, which suggests that representation can bring about political unity of state, but only if state itself is properly represented by figure or person of sovereign.5In assessing and explaining centrality of representation to Schmitt's political thought-an area often excluded from discussion6-I focus upon his attempted reconciliation of a starkly and then Hobbesian account of representation that would justify support for Reichsprasident under Weimar Republic, with insights drawn from constitutional republicanism of Abbe Sieyes that placed constituent power of people at basis of democracy. The argument develops and modifies Bockenforde 's hypothesis, that Schmitt's well-known concept of political-first presented in a lecture of 1927-provides to understanding his more substantial constitutional theory, Verfassungslehre, published following year.7 Instead, Schmitt's concept of representation provides key with which to understand his densely structured constitutional argumentation.8 Therefore, after outlining early theological and personalist roots of Schmitt's account of representation in order to show his long-standing concern with issue, central arguments of Sieyes and Hobbes concerning representation are next outlined, and their impact on Schmitt's political and constitutional theory discussed.9 Such a structure places in sharp relief political implications of his ideological appropriation of language of modern democracy in order to justify support for presidential leader.II. Capitalism, Rationality, and Representation: The Figure of RepresentativeIn his 1923 essay Catholicism and Political Form, Schmitt claimed that technical-economic rationality of modern capitalism and its dominant political expression, liberalism, stood at odds with truly political power of Catholic Church.10 Schmitt was concerned to illuminate particularly representative character of Catholic Church as a complexio oppositorum, in contradistinction to its typical appearance as unworldly other to an ascetic and industrious Protestantism, so as to counter anti-Roman temper that has nourished struggle against popery, Jesuitism and clericalism with a host of religious and political forces, that has impelled European history for centuries.11Even parliamentary and democratic nineteenth century was an era where Catholicism was defined as nothing more than a limitless opportunism. It was Schmitt's contention, however, that this missed fundamental point of such a complex of opposites, which was that formal character of Roman Catholicism is based on strict realisation of principle of representation. In its particularity this becomes most clear in its antithesis to economictechnical thinking dominant today.12 Schmitt contended that something peculiar to Catholic representation allowed it to make present true essence of something by representing it. …" @default.
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• W2002448788 date "2004-01-01" @default.
• W2002448788 modified "2023-10-03" @default.
• W2002448788 title "Carl Schmitt's Political Theory of Representation" @default.
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• W2002448788 doi "https://doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2004.0015" @default.
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