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• W2004245430 abstract "The Resolution does not have much to say about the Socialist Education Movement, but if one reads closely one can see that major questions about it are raised. Please pay attention to the sentence from Section 17 that says Quite a number of cadres at the grass-roots level were unjustly dealt with in the latter half of 1964.1 This is criticizing Comrade Liu Shaoqi without mentioning his name. At Eighth Central Committee's Tenth Plenary Session, Comrade Mao Zedong once again brought up class struggle but said not to disrupt economic readjustment. However, he himself did not pay much attention to the economic readjustment and concentrated on carrying out class struggle, encouraging all areas to set up experimental stations. By May 1963 he had worked up the so-called First Ten Articles. The calculations of these First Ten Articles regarding the state of class struggle in the villages were quite severe and overdone. After the passage of the First Ten Articles Comrade Liu Shaoqi wanted Comrade Wang Guangmei to go to Taoyuan in Hebei province to set up an experimental station, and then he went on to make up the Latter Ten Articles. As it was, Comrade Mao Zedong had already been quite severe in his estimate of the class struggle situation in the countryside, but after the experiences of the Taoyuan experimental station Comrade Shaoqi was even more severe in his calculations. He saw that even after having gone through socialist reconstruction the villages were still places where the party could only work in secrecy, conspiratorially, unable to be openly active; as for the cadres at the grass-roots level, the work groups should push them aside as soon as they entered the villages. Propaganda about the Taoyuan experience was certainly a major stimulus to socialist education in the countryside. Comrade Mao Zedong was later to say that he talked for two years and no one would listen, but with Comrade Shaoqi in charge the whole country was propelled forward. But as the estimate of the rural condition did not accord with reality, there arose the problem of attacks on cadres at the grass-roots level that were too strong and too broad. The Twenty-three Articles were personally sponsored and drawn up by Comrade Mao Zedong and played a positive role in correcting the problem of launching too strong and too broad attacks on cadres at the grass-roots level. But although his assessment of the rural situation was more correct than that of Comrade Shaoqi, there was in fact no fundamental change. The saying at the time was We have only two-thirds of the country, which meant that two-thirds of the lower-level units remained in our control whereas one-third of the leadership authority had been taken over by others. Moreover, in the Twenty-three Articles it was mentioned that the thrust of the movement should be to punish those in power taking the capitalist road. Comrade Mao Zedong and Comrade Liu Shaoqi had a conversation during a meeting. Comrade Mao Zedong said three times that there were already capitalist roaders in the countryside and that the focus of the movement should be to punish them. Comrade Shaoqi neither disagreed nor agreed; neither after saying it once or twice nor after having said it for the third time did he indicate either opposition or approval. And what did he finally say? That the conditions in the villages were complex, that all sorts of contradictions overlapped-contradictions between ourselves and the enemy overlapped with contradictions among the people-all of which needed concrete analysis. One might say that each was talking about what he wanted to say without listening to the other. When the Twenty-three Articles were passed Comrade Shaoqi had to express agreement. At this meeting Comrade Zhou Enlai played a very positive role. When talking about the capitalist roaders having backstage supporters on every level in the countryside, the original draft said that there were also backers in the Central Committee. Comrade Zhou Enlai said, is it not overdoing it to say that there are backers everywhere in the Central Committee? Thus it was changed to read that there were backers in every department at the center. Comrade Shaoqi asked, if Rao Shushi was a capitalist roader and it was I who promoted him and put him in important positions, does that mean that I am the backer of Rao Shushi? The atmosphere at the meeting was rather tense." @default.
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• W2004245430 date "1986-10-01" @default.
• W2004245430 modified "2023-10-16" @default.
• W2004245430 title "Answers to Questions Concerning the Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of the Party since the Founding of the PRC" @default.
• W2004245430 doi "https://doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-4609190312" @default.
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