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• W2009361283 abstract "Not for first time, Thomas Jefferson wrote in 1826 of an American empire for liberty that would be animated by integrity of its citizens rather than by hierarchical polities and territorial ambitions of Old World.1 The extent to which Americans could eschew any lingering attachments to that abandoned world was a test of their civic virtue and a measure of their worth as decisive drivers of republican government. This was a particular challenge for immigrants not least because, as John Adams put it in 1780, once arrived, they should promote language, our laws, our customs, and humours of our people.2 To do otherwise would recognize a level of cultural dependence on Old World that was incompatible with republican virtue.3 It would also indulge persistence of foreign metro - poles, something that was anathema to Jefferson's empire. Such views posed particular challenges for Irish immigrants and for those who spoke for them, especially within America's growing Catholic population, not least because by definition such immigrants brought their own particular metropoles with them. The first of these was informed by universal Catholicism, and second was a result of focusing social and political grievances of contemporary Ireland on London after Act of Union was passed in 1800. In America an Irish diaspora gave these metropoles continuing life and energy, especially as increasing numbers of Irish emigrants streamed into country after 1783.4 In trying to incorporate universal Catholicism and corruption of British Empire in Ireland into their rhetoric and actions as Americans, however, many of these immigrants were perceived to put private loyalties before objective interests of United States. For his part, influential Irish-born writer Mathew Carey was also influenced by what he had experienced in Ireland before he sailed for Philadelphia in 1784.Well before he arrived in America on November 1, 1784, Carey had become a powerful opponent of oligarchy and political systems that supported and promoted it. It was particularly wretched in Ireland, not least because it was defined by religion, what he later called a Protestant Ascendancy.5 As a Catholic Irishman, Carey could not justify such a polity-in natural justice, humanity, or historical explanation-especially because tyranny of Penal Laws was keeping it in place. Neither could he see it encouraging type of social rapport that was for him a prerequisite for stability and progress. Instead, oligarchy had not only divided nation into mutually antagonistic interests but also inflicted the most deplorable wretchedness and misery on country at large.6 From this Carey also made a generic point that transcended religion and nationality: that oligarchy in any form was not a template for stability and justice, much less for progress and prosperity.7 Although he retained these views throughout his life, they were first expressed in a controversial pamphlet that was printed in Dublin in 1781, The Urgent Necessity of an Immediate Repeal of Whole Penal Code Candidly Considered.'.8In making his case, Carey argued that though Reformation was a worthy stand against outrageous papal intrusions into civil matters, irony was that galling yoke of Rome had been replaced by something similar at home. Moreover, as Catholicism came to be associated with disloyalty to new polity, estates of its lay leaders were marked out for attainder. Carey suggested that this was understandable where and when such leaders had rebelled against established state, but procedures of various inquisitions that sat during times of comparative peace were, in words of David Hume, contrary to clearest principles of law and natural equity. As a result, Catholic leaders did not see law as a disinterested instrument that would protect their civil and religious rights. …" @default.
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• W2009361283 date "2013-01-01" @default.
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• W2009361283 title "Mathew Carey, Ireland, and the “Empire for Liberty” in America" @default.
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