FRINK Linked Data Fragments server

Matches in SemOpenAlex for { <https://semopenalex.org/work/W2014474006> ?p ?o ?g. }

• W2014474006 endingPage "263" @default.
• W2014474006 startingPage "243" @default.
• W2014474006 abstract "AbstractFrom the beginning, the early modern study of Anglo-Saxon England had a theological dimension, as opposing apologists sought to appropriate the teachings of the early English church. The Protestant enlisting of Ælfric is well known but Bede too was wielded in the religious controversies. The present article highlights the key theologically motivated figures who looked to early England in the Tudor period, examining in particular writings by John Bale, the “Parker circle” and Thomas Stapleton. Part 2 of the article (to be published in a forthcoming issue of English Studies) will trace the continuing theological appropriation of Anglo-Saxon Christianity in subsequent centuries. Notes1Sellar and Yeatman, 22. See Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People, II, 1, Colgrave and Mynors, eds. and trans., 132–5; cf. Colgrave, ed. and trans., chap. 9, 91–2.2See Murphy; Graham, “Anglo-Saxon Studies,” 415–18.3See Summit, 159–76.4Leland, f. 2v; quoted by Tuve, 172; on Leland and the “Saxon” language, see Buckalew, 19–50.5Also surviving is Bale's compendious notebook used while he was preparing the Catalogus, giving details about places where he saw manuscripts, Index Britanniae Scriptorum Quos ex variis bibliothecis non parvo labore collegit Ionnes Bale˛us.6On this early phase of Anglo-Saxon studies, see Vann, 259–72; for a brief overview of Anglo-Saxon studies in the early modern period, including reference to the earliest phase, see Magennis, 158–72; the present account draws upon and expands this discussion.7Quoted by MacDougall, 33.8Bale, Laboryouse Journey, J4v.9“John Leland's Letter to Matthew Parker,” 17.10See Shrank, 179–92.11As testified to by John Bale: “For in the yere from Christes incarnation .lxiii. was Joseph of Armathe and other disciples sent ouer of the said Philip [Philip the apostle] to preach Christ, and entred bothe with theyr wiues and children” (Actes of Englysh Votaryes, f. 17r). See MacDougall, 14, 34.12See Gildas, chap. 8 (18).13See Bede, I, 4 (Colgrave and Mynors, 24–5). Colgrave and Mynors (24, n. 2) identify Bede's source as the Liber Pontificalis; see also Wallace-Hadrill, 11.14 L. Thorpe, trans., IV, 19, 124–5.15An early doubter was the historian Polydore Vergil, but his scepticism about the historicity of Geoffrey was out of line with the Tudor consensus, as indignantly expressed in a swift riposte by John Leland, Assertio inclytissimi Arturii regis Britannia (1544). For Vergil's account of early British history in his Historia Anglica, see Polydore Vergil's English History, Vol. I.16Kenyon writes, “Ignorance of the Anglo-Saxons was almost total. They were squeezed between the resplendent Arthur, whose golden age they had brutally terminated, and the much admired Normans, the harbingers of a new and improved civilization” (5–6).17Bale, Actes of Englysh Votaryes, f. 29r. Referring to the new Christianity brought by Augustine, Bale writes, “Wel myght thys be called a new christianity, for neyther was it known of Chryst nor of hys Apostles, nor yet euer seene in Englande afore. It came altogether from the dust heap of their Monkery” (ibid., f. 30v).18Colgrave and Mynors, 139–41 (modified): “si modo nobis adsurgere noluit, quanto magis, si ei subdi coeperimus, iam nos pro nihilo contemnet”, Colgrave and Mynors, 138–40.19Colgrave and Mynors, 141: “si nationem Anglorum noluissent uiam uitae praedicare, per horum manus ultionem essent mortis passuri”, Colgrave and Mynors, 140.20“John Bale's Letter to Matthew Parker,” 23.21As referred to in Part 2 of this study.22II, 34; Colgrave and Mynors, 116–17.23Colgrave and Mynors, 141: “diuino agente iudicio”, Colgrave and Mynors, 140.24Colgrave and Mynors, 141–3; “completum est presagium sancti pontificis Augustini, quamuis ipso iam multo ante tempore ad caelestia regna sublato, ut etiam temporalis interitus ultione sentirent perfidi, quod oblat sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreuerant”, Colgrave and Mynors, 140–2.25Bale, Actes of Englysh Votaryes, f. 33r. According to Geoffrey of Monmouth, it was not Augustine himself but the Christian king Æthelberht of Kent who incited Æthelfrith of Northumbria “to march to the city of Bangor and destroy Abbot Dinoot and the other churchmen who had scorned Augustine” (L. Thorpe, 267).26Robinson, 54; see also Bernau, 106–18.27Harvey, 83; see, further, Kenyon, 6.28Harvey, 83, 97, quoted in Schwyzer, 39–40.29Brackmann, Elizabethan Invention, 3; see also Robinson.30MacDougall, 39; see Strype, 55.31See Graham, “John Joscelyn,” 83–140.32See Brackmann, Elizabethan Invention; see also Graham, “Anglo-Saxon Studies,” 418–23; also Brackmann, “Laurence Nowell's Old English Glosses,” 94–105.33Parker, preface.34For the Old English text, see Godden, 150–60; for translation, see B. Thorpe, II, 262–83.35Fehr, 1–34 (at 29–31), 146–221 (at 178–87) and 58–67 (at 62–4), respectively.36Leinbaugh, “Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio in Die Pascae,” 51; see also Leinbaugh, “On the Sources,” 294–311.37Strype, 508, quoted in Tuve, 166.38For example, like other reformers, Parker found the Anglo-Saxon church's insistence on clerical celibacy repugnant, though by quoting him out of context he managed to find evidence of a softer line in Ælfric: see Kleist, “Monks, Marriage, and Manuscripts,” 312–27; see also Kleist, “Matthew Parker, Old English”; in the latter essay Kleist reminds us that Parker himself was a married priest.39Parker, Testimonie, testimonial.40Ibid., preface.41Leinbaugh, “Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio in Die Pascae,” 53–6. Kleist observes dryly: “Parker's ideological ends occasionally bring his methodology into question” (“Monks, Marriage, and Manuscripts,” 325–6).42Corona, ed. and trans., lines 152–67.43B. Thorpe (modified), II, 269: “Wiðutan hi beoð gesewene hlaf and win. ægðer ge on hiwe. ge on swæcce. ac hi beoð soðlice æfter ðære halgunge cristes lichama. and his blod þurh gastlicere gerynu” (Godden, lines 104–7).44Leinbaugh, “Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio in Die Pascae,” 57–8; see also Robinson, 62–6.45Foxe, ed., Gospels of the fower Evangelistes, Dedication, f. ¶ii,r.46Leinbaugh, “Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio in Die Pascae,” 62.47Academically, learned works were now being produced in English; for example, Robert Recorde, who was also an antiquarian and an associate of Leland, brought out his book The Grounde of Artes, teaching the work and practise of arithmetick as early as 1540—the first mathematics book written in English—and his medical work The Urinal of Physic was published in 1548.48Foxe, Gospels of the fower Evangelistes, dedication, A.ii.49See Murphy, 3. Murphy comments (ibid.), “Why Foxe, who was no scholar of Old English, was chosen to put his name to the edition can only be a matter for speculation.”50Foxe, Gospels of the fower Evangelistes, dedication, ¶ii. See further Dekker, 68–93.51Foxe, Gospels of fower Evangelistes, dedication, ¶ii.52As Kenyon remarks, for Elizabethan reformers Bede “was now tarred with the papist brush” (6).53Colgrave and Mynors observe: “Bede has not been altogether fortunate in his translators, even though Stapleton's translation of 1565 set a splendid example” (editor's preface [by Colgrave], vii).54Cited in Colgrave and Mynors, lxxi.55Colgrave and Mynors, lxx–lxxi.56See Southern.57Haigh, 254; on recusant writing, see Highley, esp. 23–53.58T. Stapleton, Ecclesiastical History, preface to the reader, li.59Ibid., l–li.60Ibid., liii.61Ibid., lii.62Ibid., lxi.63Ibid., llxii.64Ibid., l.65 Ecclesiastical History, dedication (to Queen Elizabeth), xxxiii.66The reading of the Anglo-Saxons as a chosen people united in faith represents an important strand in modern Bede criticism: see e.g. Howe; Michelet. On Englishness and the Gregorian mission, see also Brooks, Bede and the English; Wormald.67P. J. Stapleton, 15–34.68T. Stapleton, Ecclesiastical History, preface to the reader, li.69Ibid.70Ibid. Bale's treatment of the Gregory story comes in his Actes of Englysh Votaryes, ff. 27v–28r. See further Frantzen, “Bede and Bawdy Bale”, which incorporates an acute deconstruction of Bede's account, drawing attention to Gregory's implicit endorsement of the institution of slavery and his indifference to the fate of the boys.71 Actes of Englysh Votaryes, ff. 27v and 28r. Bale also alleges that “other spirituall remedies” were sought out for the clergy by providers, whom “ye may if ye wil call them apple squires [i.e. pimps]”, ibid., f. 27v.72As pointed out by P. J. Stapleton, 29.73T. Stapleton, Ecclesiastical History, 69–70; cp. Colgrave and Mynors, 132–4 (subsequent quotations are also from these pages).74T. Stapleton, Ecclesiastical History, preface to the reader, lxii.75Fulke's first difference is a familiar one: “The Church of English Saxons, for three hundred years after Augustin, did believe bread and wine to remain in the Sacrament after consecration, which the Papists deny: proved by a Sermon extant in the Saxon tongue, translated out of Latin by Ælfrick, Archbishop of Canterbury, or Abbot of S. Albone's, appointed to be read to the people at Easter before they received the Communion; also by two Epistles of the same Ælfrike”; Fulke goes on to say: “The Church of English Saxons believed the Sacrament to be the Body and Blood of Christ, not carnally, but spiritually; expressly denying as well the carnal presence as Transubstantiation, which the Papists hold” (Stapleton's Fortress Overthrown, 20).76Ibid., 6.77Frantzen, Desire for Origins, 156.78See e.g. Dumville; Hines; Yorke.79For a general reconsideration of Bede, see Higham; on links with the Continent, see Blair, 16–18; on the role of the Franks, see Wood; on continuities with the British church, see nn. 83–6, below. For an excellent overview of challenges to Bede's account in recent scholarship (in the context of a comparison of the Latin original of the Ecclesiastic History with its Old English translation), see Rowley, esp. chap. 2, 36–56.80Colgrave and Mynors, 137: “uerus summae lucis praecox ab omnibus praedicatur Augustinus”, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, 136.81Colgrave and Mynors, 139: “ad praedicationem Augustini suas deserere traditiones”, Colgrave and Mynors, 138.82Colgrave and Mynors, 139–41: “si modo nobis adsurgere noluit, quanto magis, si ei subdi coeperimus, iam nos pro nihilo contemnet”, Colgrave and Mynors, 138–40.83See Sims-Williams.84Brooks, “From British to English Christianity,” 30.85Ibid.86Blair, 29.87Ep. 6.10, trans. Martyn, II, 409; the possible reference to missionary work lies in Gregory's further comment that the money spent on them on them may “be spent more profitably in their own land” (ibid.).88Ep. 6.51, trans. Martyn, II, 438.89See Scragg, ed.90Godden, lines 167–74 (155); B. Thorpe, 273.91Grundy, 265–9; see also Szarmach, 237–47.92Grundy, 269; here Grundy takes issue with Leinbaugh, who had argued that Ælfric reconciles the symbolist and carnal interpretation of the Eucharist (“Ælfric's Sermo de Sacrificio in Die Pascae,” 55).93Bakhuisen Van Den Brink, ed.; Paulus, ed.94On the Carolingian “Eucharistic controversy”, see Chazelle, esp. 240–9. Surveying the writings of Pascasius and four other commentators (Hincmar, Gottschalk, John Scottus and Ratramnus), Chazelle concludes that, though they disagreed in their understanding of Eucharistic theology, all of these writers agreed on one point: “No one can be saved who does not consume the bread and wine consecrated in Masses conducted by priests like themselves—the sole means, in their belief, of creating the sacramental presence of Christ's body and blood” (249).95Lockett, 410.96B. Thorpe, II, 269: “Ne sceole ge smeagan hu hit gedon sy, ac healdan on eowerum geleafan þæt hit swa gedon sy” (Godden, lines 156–7).97Chazelle, 233." @default.
• W2014474006 created "2016-06-24" @default.
• W2014474006 creator A5005053835 @default.
• W2014474006 date "2015-02-26" @default.
• W2014474006 modified "2023-10-03" @default.
• W2014474006 title "Not Angles but Anglicans? Reformation and Post-Reformation Perspectives on the Anglo-Saxon Church, Part 1: Bede, Ælfric and the Anglo-Saxon Church in Early Modern England" @default.
• W2014474006 cites W1555800645 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W1987505356 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W1994156544 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2080785705 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2313422298 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2321333673 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2476882957 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2767865257 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W2900480646 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W4242241075 @default.
• W2014474006 cites W4327766987 @default.
• W2014474006 doi "https://doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2014.996380" @default.
• W2014474006 hasPublicationYear "2015" @default.
• W2014474006 type Work @default.
• W2014474006 sameAs 2014474006 @default.
• W2014474006 citedByCount "1" @default.
• W2014474006 countsByYear W20144740062018 @default.
• W2014474006 crossrefType "journal-article" @default.
• W2014474006 hasAuthorship W2014474006A5005053835 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C10869588 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C111021475 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C138885662 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C142362112 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C17744445 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C199539241 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C27206212 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C2776518542 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C2781129162 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C3020531103 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C74916050 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C94625758 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConcept C95457728 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C10869588 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C111021475 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C138885662 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C142362112 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C17744445 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C199539241 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C27206212 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C2776518542 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C2781129162 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C3020531103 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C74916050 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C94625758 @default.
• W2014474006 hasConceptScore W2014474006C95457728 @default.
• W2014474006 hasIssue "3" @default.
• W2014474006 hasLocation W20144740061 @default.
• W2014474006 hasOpenAccess W2014474006 @default.
• W2014474006 hasPrimaryLocation W20144740061 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W1590603708 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W1717367917 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W2014474006 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W2564630089 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W2899084033 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W3196128034 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W4235000469 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W4249876222 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W4309066537 @default.
• W2014474006 hasRelatedWork W3150555069 @default.
• W2014474006 hasVolume "96" @default.
• W2014474006 isParatext "false" @default.
• W2014474006 isRetracted "false" @default.
• W2014474006 magId "2014474006" @default.
• W2014474006 workType "article" @default.