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• W2017155005 abstract "In this review we consider research on social cognition in which implicit processes can be compared and contrasted with explicit, conscious processes. In each case, their function is distinct, sometimes complementary and sometimes oppositional. We argue that implicit processes in social interaction are automatic and are often opposed to conscious strategies. While we are aware of explicit processes in social interaction, we cannot always use them to override implicit processes. Many studies show that implicit processes facilitate the sharing of knowledge, feelings, and actions, and hence, perhaps surprisingly, serve altruism rather than selfishness. On the other hand, higher-level conscious processes are as likely to be selfish as prosocial. In this review we consider research on social cognition in which implicit processes can be compared and contrasted with explicit, conscious processes. In each case, their function is distinct, sometimes complementary and sometimes oppositional. We argue that implicit processes in social interaction are automatic and are often opposed to conscious strategies. While we are aware of explicit processes in social interaction, we cannot always use them to override implicit processes. Many studies show that implicit processes facilitate the sharing of knowledge, feelings, and actions, and hence, perhaps surprisingly, serve altruism rather than selfishness. On the other hand, higher-level conscious processes are as likely to be selfish as prosocial. Less than 20 years ago, the idea of identifying human brain systems involved in social interaction would have met with incredulity and derision. Such social matters were the domain of the humanities rather than biology (Frith, 2007Frith C.D. Making up the Mind: How the Brain Creates our Mental World. Blackwell, Oxford2007Google Scholar). Yet humans are among the most social of all primates and success in social interactions is one of the major forces driving our evolution (Humphrey, 1976Humphrey N.K. The social function of intellect.in: Bateson P.P.G. Hinde R.A. Growing Points in Ethology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge1976: 303-317Google Scholar). Now there are two specialist journals and innumerable laboratories dedicated to social cognitive neuroscience. Such research programs aim to uncover the physiology underlying the cognitive processes engaged during social interactions. How did the extraordinary flourishing of this topic come about? Studies of complex social behavior in monkeys (e.g., Cheney and Seyfarth, 1990Cheney D.L. Seyfarth R.M. How monkeys see the world. University of Chicago Press, Chicago1990Google Scholar) have provided one major impetus for the development of social neuroscience. One of the first people to talk explicitly about the social brain was Leslie Brothers, 1990Brothers L. The social brain: a project for integrating primate behaviour and neurophysiology in a new domain.Concepts Neurosci. 1990; 1: 27-51Google Scholar, and her evidence for identifying the components came from the study of nonhuman animals. One influential and still unanswered question, originally posed by Premack and Woodruff, 1978Premack D. Woodruff G. Does the chimpanzee have a theory of mind?.Behav. Brain Sci. 1978; 4: 515-526Crossref Scopus (4111) Google Scholar, was whether the chimpanzee had a “Theory of Mind.” This question and possible methods for answering it galvanized research in child development (e.g., Leslie, 1987Leslie A.M. Pretense and representation: The origins of “theory of mind.”.Psychol. Rev. 1987; 94: 412-426Crossref Scopus (1936) Google Scholar, Wimmer and Perner, 1983Wimmer H. Perner J. Beliefs About Beliefs - Representation and Constraining Function of Wrong Beliefs in Young Childrens Understanding of Deception.Cognition. 1983; 13: 103-128Crossref PubMed Scopus (3434) Google Scholar). Baron-Cohen et al., 1985Baron-Cohen S. Leslie A.M. Frith U. Does the autistic child have a “theory of mind”?.Cognition. 1985; 21: 37-46Crossref PubMed Scopus (4368) Google Scholar showed that children with autism were unable to attribute false beliefs and predict someone else's behavior on the basis of their mental states at the appropriate age. From this observation of a circumscribed deficit in social cognition, it was a small step to use the recently available techniques of neuroimaging to investigate what brain processes might underlie the normally pervasive attribution of mental states (e.g., Fletcher et al., 1995Fletcher P.C. Happe F. Frith U. Baker S.C. Dolan R.J. Frackowiak R.S. Frith C.D. Other minds in the brain: a functional imaging study of “theory of mind” in story comprehension.Cognition. 1995; 57: 109-128Crossref PubMed Scopus (1096) Google Scholar). Animal research in another field has also powered ideas on the brain basis of social cognition. This is the groundbreaking discovery of mirror neurons by Rizzolatti and his colleagues, which was rapidly taken up in human experiments (Rizzolatti and Craighero, 2004Rizzolatti G. Craighero L. The mirror-neuron system.Annu. Rev. Neurosci. 2004; 27: 169-192Crossref PubMed Scopus (5070) Google Scholar). The physiological basis of such fundamental social processes as imitation, emotional resonance, and empathy could now be studied with precision, and it brought rigor to a field that was threatened by a poverty of good experimental data. Another crucial field that has contributed ideas to the brain basis of social interaction is experimental economics. Here also there has been a critical role for animal studies. Economic models of decision making can be applied directly to the study of animal learning and can guide the analysis of human brain imaging studies (Glimcher and Rustichini, 2004Glimcher P.W. Rustichini A. Neuroeconomics: the consilience of brain and decision.Science. 2004; 306: 447-452Crossref PubMed Scopus (447) Google Scholar). Economic models allow concepts such as trust and altruism to be quantified and make links between evolutionary psychology and moral behavior (Axelrod and Hamilton, 1981Axelrod R. Hamilton W.D. The evolution of cooperation.Science. 1981; 211: 1390-1396Crossref PubMed Scopus (4820) Google Scholar). Social neuroscience also owes a debt to social psychology. Social psychologists during the 20th century made many remarkable discoveries, showing for instance that an individual's behavior could be shaped and changed, even criminalized, by systematic manipulation of social interactions, as in the famous experiments by Asch, Milgram, and Zimbardo. However, it was not until the technological breakthrough of brain imaging methodologies that social psychology could transform itself into social cognitive neuroscience. At the first conference on this topic, Ochsner and Lieberman, 2001Ochsner K.N. Lieberman M.D. The emergence of social cognitive neuroscience.Am. Psychol. 2001; 56: 717-734Crossref PubMed Scopus (353) Google Scholar celebrated the emergence of this new field. They wished “to infuse social psychology with brain science methodology in the hope of deciphering how the brain controls such cognitive processes as memory and attention, which then influence social behaviors such as stereotyping, emotions, attitudes, and self-control.”" @default.
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• W2017155005 date "2008-11-01" @default.
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• W2017155005 title "Implicit and Explicit Processes in Social Cognition" @default.
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• W2017155005 doi "https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2008.10.032" @default.
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