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• W2022653228 abstract "Recycling Somalia from the Scrap Merchants of Mogadishu I. M. Lewis The 2002 Kenya reconciliation conference established the current transitional federal government of Somalia which despite Ethiopian military support in 2006 has not been able to establish its claimed authority in Somalia since it lacks public support and is not regarded as a legitimate government by the majority of the Somali population. It is in fact an imposed regime for external interests and not those of the Somali people. To understand what happened in the conference and how it compared with so many earlier grand Somali peace conferences we must look at the background, and especially the failure of the Transitional National Government (TNG), established in August 2000 with such optimism at the end of the exhaustive Art Conference in Djibouti.1 The Djibouti project, launched by the enterprising Djiboutian president (Ismail Umar Geelle), with Arab and United Nations (UN) support, involved as many as 2,000 Somali participants. These were reported to be representatives (and certainly many claimed to be representatives) of various clans and lineages, many styling themselves as members of civil society (always a problematic concept in Somalia),2 and including a fair selection of more or less notorious warlords from southern Somalia. The original idea, laudable in theory, was to exclude those warlords with the worst human rights records and form a provisional government that could bypass their endless rivalry and conflict. The main figures (whom I call the scrap merchants of Mogadishu) did not initially receive important ministerial positions in the resulting Transitional National Government. These major big men had built up [End Page 213] their economic and political status essentially by successfully exploiting the UN presence up until March 1995. Thereafter, they stole and then sold what residual UN equipment and assets they could seize, subsequently demolishing buildings and other resources to create a flourishing industry providing all manner of building materials. Typical of these new Hawiye entrepreneurs was strongman Muse Soodi Yalahow, who became a most successful scrap merchant and wholesaler of stone and other building material excavated from the ruins of Mogadishu. As with other warlords, his stolen resources included water pipes, copper tubing, rooftops, and even telephone poles, as well as military hardware, farmland, and public and private property of all kinds. You could call this recycling, I suppose. Building up his circle of protected clients and kinsmen, who paid tax to him, not only at road checkpoints but even on improvements to their houses (often also stolen, from their previous inhabitants), he soon eclipsed Ali Mahdi as the major Abgal big man. Still within the Hawiye but on the opposing Habar Ghiddir side, which was in opposition to the Abgal, a similarly self-made man, with a more complex personality, was Osman Ali Atto, whose father had been a camel herder. He had achieved economic prosperity through trading in metal and organizing mechanical and armaments work and, as is well known, became General Muhamad Farah Aydeed's financier—although they later quarreled. Many other, lesser figures, in the same entrepreneurial mode, rose to prominence during and after the period of UN presence in Mogadishu, where, it is claimed today, there are hundreds of dollar millionaires, many of whom are also currency speculators. These scrap merchant warlords have appropriated profitable public and private resources, and turned the dwindling tree and bush cover around Mogadishu into charcoal for export to Arab countries, as well as producing drugs on stolen farmland. These figures, with larger or smaller numbers of followers, exercise an impressive hold over their protected clients (both kin and non-kin). These clients are strongly attached to their protectors, to whom, as indicated, they pay regular tithes and with whom they identify in opposition to other warlords and their followers. Those who have found a haven as refugees in western Europe and other countries, especially when they are also kinsmen of the warlords, send regular remittances [End Page 214] to the bosses back home. Their attitudes are revealing. I have been particularly struck by the vehemence with which, at meetings and on the Internet, these refugees from southern Somalia have responded defensively to what they evidently take to be negative assessments..." @default.
• W2022653228 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W2022653228 date "2009-01-01" @default.
• W2022653228 modified "2023-10-17" @default.
• W2022653228 title "Recycling Somalia from the Scrap Merchants of Mogadishu" @default.
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• W2022653228 doi "https://doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0031" @default.
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