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• W2022854780 abstract "Summary The basic unit in Lovedu society is the extended family, the minimal descent group, of three, and occasionally four generations living together in a village under the control of the patriarch, or, after his death, of his son, the eldest in the chief house. It is a corporate group of considerable importance. An initial examination in this paper of situations in which groups of kin wider than the extended family are found to operate, such as in certain religious ceremonies, in consultations connected with the marriage of a daughter, in decision‐making in regard to succession to district headmanship, has served to provide leads of considerable interest for an understanding, not only of descent and descent groups among the Lovedu, but also of Lovedu social and political structure as a whole. The examples given in the paper indicate that kin taking part in a harvest thanksgiving ceremony represent a descent group of, say, four generations of descendants of scattered sons and daughters of a remembered male ancestor (including at times also his sister, the original khadi): i.e., male and female agnates and their descendants (including, e.g., the child of a female agnate). However, in addition, an important aspect of many of these gatherings (illustrated in Diagram IV, where generations of enjoined marriages with the mother's uterine brother's daughter had taken place) was the presence in considerable force of relatives through the mother, owing to the merging of agnatic and matrilineal kin in the lines of the father's mother and mother's father of the officiator, that had resulted from such repetition of enjoined marriage down the generations (see pp. 14–20 above). Individuals consulted in connection with the marriage of a daughter of a widow (see Diagram II) included, besides the mother herself (the person approached initially), also the two khadis (uterine sisters of Samuel, the deceased husband); his half‐brother (head, at the time of the consultations, of the village in which Samuel had lived); and lastly, not the head of the agnates in the chief house of Samuel's father's father (Sedena, in Diagram II) as one might have expected, as he lived nearby, but a classificatory half‐brother of Samuel, chosen because his mother and the mother of Samuel had been children of two uterine sisters in a line in which several generations of enjoined marriages with the mother's uterine brother's daughter had been in operation between the two families concerned (Diagram II). All the consultants in the case were agnates, male or female; but the influence of ongoing, enjoined marriage with the mother's brother's daughter was apparent in the choice of one of the male agnates as indicated. Finally, in a decision regarding succession to district headmanship in a Moroatseta area, two khadis, when officially reporting to the queen the decision they (and the family) had come to, had been told by her to bring along with them (1) Pekela, the son of the deceased great khadi, Mokope, of the senior branch of the Moroatseta family, who had been female ruler of an important area (Bagone), as also (2) Ramoshwanyana, Mokope's male successor whom she had raised to be heir to her deceased brother (see Diagram I). All were male or female agnates, except Pekela, a sister's son, only child of the deceased khadi, Mokope, representing in this case his mother, the khadi, in her ritual capacity, not his father's family (see also p. 10 above). The important role of female agnates in Lovedu society is firmly grounded in the principle of equality and complementarity of uterine brother and sister which permeates all aspects of Lovedu social structure. From this it follows that in practice, where there is no son to succeed to the position of district head, or even, as in a recent case in the 1980s, where there are sons in the chief house, but they are considered grossly unsuitable for the position, their uterine sister may be installed instead. There are similar examples from the past, illustrating the right of a sister to the position of district headman in certain circumstances and the general principle of the equality and complementarity of uterine brothers and sisters. The leading role of female agnates in other important aspects of the social and political structure is associated with: (1) their strong position in ritual and religion, supported by mahava, a ritual sanction, indicating ancestral displeasure and resulting in evil consequences to those who disregard the authority of the khadi; (2) the very real control and authority in her brother's village of a sister whose brideprice has been used to establish that village. (This dual control by the head and his sister or father's sister, is characteristic of all Lovedu villages where brother‐sister linkage has taken place.) (3) The Lovedu concept of marriage as a tie which includes also the husband's mother, who has rights to the services of her son's wife and care when she is old (Krige, E. J. 1974). This is the basis of Lovedu woman‐marriage. (4) the fact that the main emphasis and deciding factor in succession to district headmanship is always the ritual character of the chief house (that of the mother's uterine brother's daughter). This renders succession a matter on which all khadis, especially that one whose bridewealth established the village of the deceased head, speak with special authority. Female agnates among the Lovedu are solely responsible (subject to ratification by the queen) for deciding questions of succession to district headmanship. Cases of succession and inheritance never come before Lovedu courts of law and male agnates do not decide such matters, although individual males may be consulted by the khadis. This places in the hands of female agnates political powers which kinship councils of male agnates, as described in the literature on southern African peoples, are generally said to lack. It is clear that the role of women in Lovedu social structure is greatly enhanced by the consequences of the special form of cross‐cousin marriage practised, namely, enjoined marriage with the mother's uterine brother's daughter down the generations, which arises from the use of the full bridewealth of a sister to provide her brother with his chief wife. No other form of marriage in the society has any such consequences. Enjoined marriage with the mother's uterine brother's daughter (i.e., marriage with the father's sister's son, from the point of view of the woman) highlights a further aspect of the manner in which Lovedu social structure supports the strong position of female agnates. It serves to strengthen a married woman's position in her family of origin, because she will be encouraged and groomed for her role there by her mother‐in‐law/father's sister, whom she eventually succeeds as khadi. At the same time, enjoined marriage offers special advantages to a woman in her married home by placing her in the position of chief wife (and her house as the ritual house) in her husband's village, with her sons or daughters the heirs to any position her husband might hold (see pp. 29–34 above). The role of the Lovedu queen is not an aberration. It is rooted in the social structure, more particularly in the position of khadi in the extended family. The Lovedu queen is the khadi writ large. The perpetuation of a line of queens in an agnatic society is maintained by the legal device of not allowing queens to marry a man; they must have children by an appointed genitor. Two factors in Lovedu social structure that are of great importance for the cohesion of the society are (a) the special consequences of marriage with the mother's uterine brother's daughter, as opposed to any other kind of cross‐cousin marriage or marriage with a stranger, and (b) the motanoni system. (a) The Lovedu system of ongoing enjoined marriage with the mother's uterine brother's daughter has served not only to draw and hold together five lines of descendants of Chief Mogodo, the last male chief (see Diagram V), but has served also to hold together over a period of centuries the descendants of Mohale, the first male chief of the Lovedu and the two groups, vaaMahasha and vaaModiga, wife‐givers to the ruling line, who today still control many areas. In addition, since every house or mosha in the society is a unit from which marriages take place, and each house in a village has its own affinal connections, the linking of uterine brother and sister and the obligations and rights that follow are continuously operating to draw people together in marriage from all parts of the Lovedu kingdom. (b) The motanoni system (fashioned after marriage with the mother's uterine brother's daughter) served primarily to create alliances of political importance between the queen and her subjects, and indirectly drew together district heads themselves; but it could and did also serve other purposes. The motanoni system had important economic aspects especially valuable in an area not well suited to the production of wealth by cattle rearing. It provided the queen with the economic services of many wives, which were of value also in extending royal hospitality at the capital to her headmen, and to visiting foreign chiefs and emissaries bringing gifts for rain to this famous rain‐maker. (They, however, were not allowed audience with the secluded, ritual queen.) Certain vatanoni could be re‐allocated to the queen's sons‐by‐vatanoni and other relatives; also to district headmen and to favourites; and the continuing provision of successors to all categories of vatanoni on the pattern of repeated cross‐cousin marriage over the generations, could slowly but surely more than double their number over a period of time. The motanoni system thus became an important factor in the development and growth of the kingdom. The bonds of kinship and affinity it brought into being, supported by the ritual and magical powers of the queen, proved to be valuable political assets. Besides being an ambassador for her area at court, the motanoni of an area was often sent to rule over the area she represented, especially in the case of trouble and unrest resulting from disputed successions. Old, tried and influential vatanoni of high birth were valuable to the queen as advisers, and by their moral support and real assistance could often lighten her heavy burdens and responsibilities, especially in regard to vatanoni problems. As a reward for their faithful services a number of the most important vatanoni of Modjadji I and II were granted small areas of their own carved out from another, usually that of the capital itself, the largest in the country, where they could build their own independent village. They were also allocated several of the younger vatanoni of the queen as part of their entourage. Very often the uterine brother of such motanoni came to take up residence in his sister's village and might act as genitor to one of these vatanoni. This is the origin of many of the 14–15 small sub‐areas with varying degrees of independence within the territory of the royal capital. By the reign of Modjadji III so much territory had been lost to White expansion that the practice of granting small areas to vatanoni had to be discontinued. Vatanoni thus played a political part also in the affairs of the nation.8 The Lovedu case provides a remarkable illustration of the degree of control, influence, leadership, political and religious power, that may be found in the hands of women within an agnatic system." @default.
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• W2022854780 title "Descent and descent groups in lovedu social structure" @default.
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