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• W2051215475 abstract "Mujeres indias y señores de la coca breaks a silence, first established in the official record, about the existence of rich Indian women in Potosí, Latin America’s most important and populous sixteenth-century city (160,000 by 1610). Silver mining built Potosí, and indigenous workers chewing the mild stimulant coca leaf extracted and milled the ore. They also purchased prodigious quantities of coca and chicha corn beer in the city’s markets, often trading ore from the mines with the female market sellers. Growers and merchants made fortunes supplying Potosí with leaf from Cuzco’s coca-growing regions. At the Cuzco end of the coca circuit, Spanish colonists and crown officials moved to control most coca fields, and they largely kept other ethnic or racial groups out of the business except as pickers, porters, and mule train drivers. Or so we thought until Paulina Numhauser helped set the record straight. Using wills and civil litigation from Cuzco, she shows that at least a few local market women, commoners, came to own coca fields in the 1560s. Some of these women even formed partnerships and had children with the señores de la coca. As the century progressed into the 1580s, these women and their mestizo children were pushed aside. The study could benefit from more cases and more analysis to determine how prevalent these Cuzco partnerships were and how closely they conformed to patterns of urban Indian women’s initial empowerment and then marginalization posited by Elinor Burkett.In Potosí, coca merchants, the “lords of the coca,” could not distribute and sell their product to consumers without skilled market sellers. These indispensable “mujeres indias” became the “indias ricas” whose history remained largely absent in official chronicles. Numhauser vindicates these women with research in archives in Bolivia, Peru, Spain, and Chile. Unlike the sections devoted to colonial policies and the view of the commercialization of coca from above, the judicial and notary records give the chapters in this section analytical power. Indias ricas stood in contrast to the period image of “indios pobres y miserables” (poor and miserable Indians), a class of people lacking the force of character to act in an entrepreneurial fashion and benefit from markets, wage labor, or a legal system. Potosí’s market women engaged in complex commercial activities and developed the ability to make capital investments in moveable goods and landed property. Indian women made contracts and other legal agreements barred to women by law. Women worked at all levels of economic action: as servants or dependents of a Spanish “master,” as mobile traders carrying small quantities of coca up to the mines to barter for pieces of ore, or even as wholesalers with their own shops providing coca leaf to others. Male Indians were generally excluded from selling coca. Women hired to sell coca could command higher salaries than skilled male mine workers. Even in the rural circuits plied by Spanish traders and others, Indian women sold the coca on consignment or in exchange for a small salary and a percentage of the profits.Recognizing the activities of the female sellers of coca in Potosí represents the greatest contribution of this book; however, the book offers more. Numhauser describes the other players: growers, speculators, and merchants. She explains how markets arose in mining centers, how coca became the commercial product par excellence, and how credit and fraudulent reselling worked. Readers familiar with period sources or monographs like Peter Bakewell’s Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545 – 1650 may not find much that is new in these sections. A possible exception is the chapter devoted to church involvement in coca growing and commerce. The bishops of Cuzco and Charcas benefited from the tithes collected on agricultural products, and coca was by far the most valuable. The upper clergy and growers disputed how much to pay. But they forgot their differences when faced with the controversy over coca in the 1550s and 1560s. Some opponents considered coca’s ritual uses an obstacle to evangelization, while others feared that coca cultivation and its unbridled consumption depleted the indigenous workforce. The Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1568 – 80) arrived in Peru willing to act on royal instructions to prohibit coca. He retreated from coca eradication and embraced further regulation in the course of his official inspection of the highlands. What he saw and heard convinced him of coca’s essential role in making the mining system produce the revenue the crown depended so heavily upon.The residents of Potosí also told Toledo that the mines would cease to function if he prohibited women from freely selling in the markets (Quechua gatos). The women selling small quantities of coca in the stores, in the street, and at the mineshafts were the last step in the production and commercialization of coca and the first step in the circulation of silver up through Peru’s internal economy. Without petty commerce and agile distribution, such a large mining settlement and huge profits from its markets could not have existed. In short, this book shows that women were central to the way money was made in Potosí." @default.
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• W2051215475 date "2009-05-01" @default.
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• W2051215475 title "Mujeres indias y señores de la coca: Potosí y Cuzco en el siglo XVI" @default.
• W2051215475 doi "https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-101" @default.
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