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• W2055227912 abstract "Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes This paper is taken largely from Chapters 1 and 4 of my book: Estlund, Working Together: How Workplace Bonds Strengthen a Diverse Democracy. See Grutter v. Bollinger, 123 S.Ct. 2325, 2339–41 (2003) (citing briefs of military officials and ‘major American businesses’). Putnam, Bowling Alone; ‘Bowling Alone,’ 65. Ibid., ‘Strange Disappearance,’ 34. See Estlund, Working Together, 6. In Putnam's own accounts, the workplace has been elevated from a potential culprit in the decline of social capital—see Putnam, ‘Strange Disappearance,’ 35—to a potential but problematic source of social capital—see Putnam, Bowling Alone, 85–92—to a promising site for its regeneration. See Saguaro Seminar on Civic Engagement in America, Better Together. On average, Americans aged 18 to 64 spend about 26 hours per week working and about 2 hours in voluntary associations; employed adults spend more time at work (about 35 hours) and less in voluntary organizations. Robinson, Time for Life, 94–95, 170–74. See Huckfeldt, ‘Political Environments,’ 1031–32; Straits, ‘Strong Ties,’ 446–47. Putnam, Bowling Alone, 275. On how workplace associations do and do not serve the functions of associational life generally, see Chapters 6 and 7 of Estlund, Working Together. In Chapter 3 of Working Togther, I trace some variations and changes in the organization of work, and in the extent to which organizations cultivate cooperation and trust among workers and between workers and management. However, even in the low-wage workplace, which I describe as ‘civic hell,’ some level of trust and cooperation, including across racial lines, can often be found. See ibid., 56–58; infra, 87. Between 1968 and 1994, for example, approval of marriages between blacks and whites rose from 48 percent to 68 percent among blacks, and from 17 percent to 45 percent among whites. See Thernstrom and Thernstrom, America in Black and White, 524 (reporting data from Gallup, Gallup Poll 1991, 171 and Gallup Poll 1994, 142). Recent data show that 22 percent of whites and 10 percent of blacks would oppose a close relative's marrying a person of the opposite race. Saguaro Seminar on Civic Engagement in America, Executive Summary, 4–5. See Thernstrom and Thernstrom, America in Black and White, 521. In a 2000 survey, 71 percent of black respondents and 57 percent of white respondents reported having a personal friend of the other race. Saguaro Seminar on Civic Engagement in America, Survey Results, 19. The percentage of new marriages by African-Americans to a spouse of a different race rose from 0.7 percent in 1963 to 12.1 percent in 1993. See Thernstrom and Thernstrom, America in Black and White, 526. See Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, 64; Farley and Frey, ‘Changes in Segregation,’ 30–32. In June 2000, 45 percent of black respondents reported that almost all of their nearby neighbors were black; 52 percent reported that a few (21 percent) or about half (31 percent) were black; 85 percent of white respondents reported that none (25 percent) or a few (60 percent) of their nearby neighbors were black. Kevin Sack, ‘Poll Finds Optimistic Outlook but Enduring Racial Division’, New York Times, 11 July 2000: A23. See Sigelman et al., ‘Making Contact?’ 1311–12. See Orfield, Dismantling Desegregation, 53–71. See Bowen and Bok, The Shape of the River. In the June 2000 New York Times survey, 73 percent of black respondents reported that almost all of their congregation were black; 90 percent of whites reported that none (34 percent) or a few (56 percent) of their congregation were black. See Sack, ‘Poll Finds Optimistic Outlook,’ A23, note 13. In one recent study, 27 percent of white and black respondents reported that their primary ‘group’ or voluntary association was entirely of their own race; an additional 48 percent of whites and 28 percent of blacks reported that the group was mostly of their own race. Saguaro Seminar on Civic Engineering in America, Survey Results, 12. See ibid., Executive Summary, 4–5; Alesina and La Ferrara, ‘Participation in Heterogeneous Communities.’ See Moskos and Butler, All that We Can Be. See Steven Holmes, ‘Survey Finds Race-Relations Gap in Armed Services, Despite Gains,’ New York Times, 23 November 1999: A1. In the New York Times poll from June 2000, 31 percent of white respondents said none of the people they worked with was black; 52 percent said ‘a few,’ 17 percent said ‘about half’ or ‘more.’ Among black respondents, 5 percent said ‘none’ of their co-workers was black; 48 percent said a ‘few,’ 29 percent said ‘about half,’ and 17 percent said ‘almost all.’ See Sack, ‘Poll Finds Optimistic Outlook,’ A23, note 13. John J. Heldrich Center, A Workplace Divided, 8–9, 34. Hellerstein and Neumark, ‘Workplace Segregation.’ See Sigelman et al., ‘Making Contact,’ 14–17; Gallup Poll Social Audit. See Sack, ‘Poll Finds Optimistic Outlook,’ A23, note 14. See Estlund, Working Together, 9–10. See Jackman and Crane, ‘Some of My Best Friends,’ 483–84. See Briggs, ‘Social Capital and Segregation,’ 52–53. On housing, see Calmore, ‘Race/ism Lost and Found,’ 1071; on schools, see Orfield, Dismantling Desgregation, 53–71. Massey and Denton stress the propensity of white homebuyers to move out of areas with significant black populations—see Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, 88–96—as well discrimination by real estate agents and mortgage lenders; see ibid., 83–113. John J. Heldrich Center, A Workplace Divided, 17, 33. On the difficulty of eliciting white attitudes on racial issues through surveys, see Sniderman and Carmines, Reaching Beyond Race. See, e.g., Bell, ‘Serving Two Masters’; Brooks, Integration or Separation. John Powell and John Calmore, for example, have called for a recommitment to genuine integration of schools and neighborhoods. See Calmore, ‘Race/ism Lost and Found;’ Powell, ‘Living and Learning,’ 749. I do not mean to ignore calls for greater economic self-reliance and black entrepreneurship. See Cummings, ‘Community Economic Development,’ 410–13. Consider the unsettling perspective of a black female accountant who lives in a black middle-class suburb of Atlanta: ‘So much goes on at the job that we have to endure, the slights and the negative comments and feelings that we’re unwanted. When I have to work around them all day, by the time I come home I don’t want to have to deal with white people anymore.’ Pam Harris, quoted in Fulwood, Waking from the Dream, 204–5. Kornblum, Blue Collar Community, 36–67. Ibid., 36. Ibid., 66. Some black workers rose to positions of union leadership with widespread white support. Ibid. ‘Although such racial and ethnic diversity… could have been a source of wide social distance and discord among workers at [the plant], the actual activities and requirements of work, combined with certain patterns of social interaction, served to minimize these divisions.’ Fantasia, Cultures of Solidarity, 77. See ibid., 79. Even white ‘workers who had worked closely with, been on friendly terms with, and even staunchly defended black workers in the plant’ sometimes expressed racial animosity or used racial epithets among white co-workers. Ibid. Ibid., 92. Newman, No Shame in My Game, 145–46. Ibid., 145. Ibid., 234–36. Newman cites an incident in which Spanish-speaking workers were hostile toward a new worker (one of Newman's graduate students) until ‘they discovered, quite by accident, that [she] was a Latina (she muttered a Spanish curse upon dropping the fifth bun in a row).’ Ibid., 147. Ibid., 145. See also ibid., 88, 179. Ibid., 179. See Allport, The Nature of Prejudice; Myrdal, An American Dilemma. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, 264. See Forbes, Ethnic Conflict, 27, 132; Jackman, ‘Some of My Best Friends.’ For recent overviews of the research, see Pettigrew, ‘Intergroup Contact Theory’, 68–69; Sigelman, ‘Making Contact,’ 1307. More studies are referenced in Estlund, Working Together, 74–76. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict, 111. See Pettigrew, ‘Intergroup Contact Theory,’ 76. Sigelman, ‘Making Contact,’ 1317. For a review of the research, see Krieger, ‘Civil Rights Perestroika;’ ‘The Content of our Categories,’ 1186–211. Malcom Gladwell, ‘The Subtler Shades of Racism,’ Washington Post, 15 July 1991, A3. See Gaertner and Dovidio, ‘The Aversive Form of Racism,’ 61. Gladwell, ‘The Subtler Shades of Racism,’ note 60. On the legal dimension of these difficulties, see Blasi, ‘Advocacy against the Stereotype;’ Krieger, ‘The Content of Our Categories;’ Lawrence, ‘The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection.’ Krieger, ‘The Content of Our Categories,’ 1198. See Williams and O’Reilly, ‘Demography and Diversity,’ 83–85. See Sturm, ‘Race, Gender, and the Law,’ 646–50. Williams and O’Reilly, ‘Demography and Diversity,’ 116. Ibid., 120. Ibid." @default.
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