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• W2073917378 abstract "Some observers viewed the recent UN Copenhagen Accord as more of a “trade agreement” among the big emitters than a “peace treaty” among all nations. Others welcomed the open forum. What is clear is that the manner and methods of controlling and decreasing carbon emissions are very contentious. Obviously, should the developed world find a way to cap emissions and innovate to meet new emissions standards, those countries will not only be addressing their historical responsibilities, but will also nurture a global low-carbon economy, thereby ensuring their own economic futures. New emissions standards may lead to technologies that could be marketed to rapidly developing countries, such as China, which will require such solutions as their own emissions increase. Perhaps the most tangible outcome of the Copenhagen negotiations was a commitment by developed countries to provide nearly US$30 billion to developing countries by 2012, for adaptation and mitigation activities. In addition, developed countries committed to the goal of mobilizing US$100 billion annually by 2020, to address the needs of developing countries. Funding would largely flow through the Copenhagen Green Climate Fund, supporting programs in mitigation, adaptation, and capacity-building, as well as technology development and transfer. In addition, the parties agreed to implement emissions reductions targets for the year 2020, set forth in the appendices to the Copenhagen Accord. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. [The President] shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur… . The framers of the Constitution included this language as part of the fine-tuned compromise concerning the balance of power in the Federal Government. While this balance is most commonly invoked during judicial appointments, this strenuous test is also applied to treaties. Conversely, American Presidents have a high degree of autonomy in foreign relations, and often use executive agreements to bypass the Senate; it may come to pass that President Obama will employ this controversial power with regards to the Copenhagen Accord. Not only can the Senate vote up or down on the terms of a treaty, it has also used treaty ratification authority to extract changes in negotiated treaties and, in some cases, to effectively reject an international agreement – the most famous involving the refusal of the Senate to permit the US to join the League of Nations after World War I. Recall that the US signed the Kyoto Protocol – the predecessor to the Copenhagen Accord – on climate change, but failed to ratify it, as a result of Senatorial opposition. President Obama promised fundamental change during his campaign, so here we go again – if you think health care legislation in Congress is a struggle, then fasten your seatbelts for what is to come on climate change." @default.
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• W2073917378 date "2010-02-01" @default.
• W2073917378 modified "2023-09-25" @default.
• W2073917378 title "Copenhagen and the Constitution" @default.
• W2073917378 doi "https://doi.org/10.1890/1540-9295-8.1.52" @default.
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