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• W2078289780 abstract "Governance is a scarce commodity (Peters 1996, 1). An accurate assessment of democratic governments around world, Peters's observation evidently applies as well to U.S. presidency. In particular, I will contend that presidential capacity for decision making is weak and needs to be bolstered. In what follows, bases for claim of attenuated decision capacity are sketched and its implications for effective making and legitimacy suggested. After arguing that changes in institutional rules and structuring may help strengthen presidential decision capabilities, article goes on to propose several such alterations. At outset, however, four preliminary points should be made. First, emphasis here is on presidential decision making. This focus encompasses a range of activities, including formulating policy, exploring negotiating stances to be taken when dealing with Congress or with other countries, selecting implementation strategies, and identifying and handling crises. Even if distinctions between policy and more decision making (involving, e.g., electoral strategies and tactics, results of public opinion polls) will rarely be clear empirically, they do appear to be analytically and normatively useful. That said, however, it should be underscored that political input is desirable indeed essential in most decisions; a crucial challenge is to better balance two, not to cast them as mutually exclusive or inevitably in conflict. Second, discussion views idea of rather narrowly. It holds U.S. constitutional framework of separation of powers, checks and balances, and federalism mostly constant, recommending only limited alterations in first two design principles and none in third. Such a position is grounded in application to United States of assumption that the organizational and institutional imagination of democracy should be directed to adapting traditional institutions to new uses rather than inventing new ones (March and Olsen 1995, 225). Third, then, understanding of and structural that informs discussion emphasizes levels of analysis below those of U.S. political system as a whole and constitutionally designed separated powers. In what follows, structure is employed, in ways familiar to most organization theorists, to refer to recurring relationships among actors. The result is a more micro-level perspective of possibilities for reinvention than that adopted by some of other conference participants. Such an approach evidently is consistent both with March and Olsen's (1995) caution against wholesale introduction of new institutional forms and with long-noted American proclivity to tinker and experiment with government (e.g., Tocqueville 1945; Hult 1987). Meanwhile, it may encourage exploration of possible improvements even without declaration of a governing crisis. Finally, I must admit that I approach whole notion of reinvention rather gingerly. Certainly, as it has been applied to state and local governments as well as federal executive, reinvention has too frequently appeared to be either a fig leaf for slashed government employment rosters or a vehicle for mandating that ill-fitting, for-profit sector approaches be applied to public sector tasks. More important, it seems to me that many of us who seek reform sometimes forget that although we know enough about processes of change to be able to affect history significantly, we do not know enough to be confident that effects we produce will ultimately prove to be intelligent ones (March and Olsen 1995, 248-49). Thus, I continue to believe that prescription in examinations of presidential advising and decision making too often is premature and that it should await additional descriptive and explanatory work (cf. Hult 1993; Hult and Walcott 1998a). …" @default.
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• W2078289780 date "2000-03-01" @default.
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• W2078289780 title "Strengthening Presidential Decision-Making Capacity" @default.
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• W2078289780 doi "https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2000.00097.x" @default.
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