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• W2089034860 abstract "AbstractThere is considerable controversy on island constraints on wh-dependencies in the psycholinguistic literature. One major point of contention is whether islands result from processing limitations such as working memory capacity or from domain-specific linguistic knowledge. The current study investigates whether islands can be reduced to processing considerations, by examining processing of another long-distance dependency, cataphora. If wh-dependencies with the licensing element (the verb or preposition) falling inside an island entail an unbearable memory load on the parser, then other dependencies, including cataphora, with a licensing element (the antecedent), falling inside an island, should yield a similar processing difficulty. The results from a self-paced reading experiment demonstrate that online formation of a cataphoric dependency is not affected by island constraints. We conclude that islands are not fully reducible to processing considerations and therefore must – at least in part – be of grammatical origin.Keywords: islandscataphoraprocessing-based accounts of islandssentence processingparsing AcknowledgementsWe are most grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank Diogo Almeida, Ian Cunnings, Claudia Felser, Janet Fodor, Lyn Frazier, Helen Goodluck, Jeffrey Lidz, Akira Omaki, Colin Phillips and Jon Sprouse for their valuable discussions, comments and criticisms. Nina Kazanina acknowledges the Wellcome Trust Vacation Scholarship Program for their funding. All the remaining mistakes are our own.Notes1. The unacceptability of the sentences is indicated by an asterisk, *.2. For previous studies on island constraints, see Chomsky (1977, 1981, Citation1986, Citation1995, Citation2001), Huang (Citation1982), Lasnik and Saito (Citation1992), Rizzi (Citation1990), Uriagereka (Citation1999) among others.3. Islands are mostly treated as structural constraints on non-transformational grammatical frameworks as well: In the lexical functional grammar (LFG) they are understood as constraints on C-structure (Kaplan & Bresnan, Citation1982) or on F-structure (Kaplan & Zaenen, Citation1989); in generalised phrase structure grammar (GPSG), islands are constraints on the configuration in which the [slash] feature appears.4. In most theories, wh-filler-gap dependencies and pronoun-antecedent dependencies are treated differently. See Chomsky (Citation1977), Ross (Citation1967) and Hornstein, Lasnik, and Uriagereka (Citation2007) under transformational framework. For non-transformational frameworks, see Pollard and Sag (Citation1994) for Head Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) and Kaplan and Bresnan (Citation1982) for Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG). Both reject the position that the binding relation is configurationally sensitive.5. Similar extra-grammatical approaches to islands have been proposed, for example, by Levine and Hukari (Citation2006) using the HPSG framework, and by Steedman and Baldridge (Citation2011) using the combinatorial categorial grammar (CCG) framework.6. As suggested by Kluender and Kutas (Citation1993) the wh-element is retrieved from the memory at the gap position, and this retrieval process may incur additional costs. This may also hold true for cataphoric dependencies. When a pronoun is associated with its antecedent, the information carried by a pronoun (e.g., gender, number, person, animacy, case and so on) is to be retrieved, and such retrieval may incur additional costs.7. The fact that cataphoric dependencies are formed actively is all the more notable, as a pronoun may have an intra-sentential antecedent and/or refer to an unspecified discourse referent (with wh-dependencies, on the other hand, a wh-phrase must have a gap within the same sentence).8. The fact that the match condition is rated as significantly more acceptable than the mismatch condition within the nominative pair might be taken to suggest that a pronoun can find an antecedent in an island even if it c-commands the antecedent. However, the rating difference between these two conditions might simply reflect an increased willingness for participants to accept a gender-matched antecedent relative to a mismatched one, even though both conditions might be perceived as ungrammatical (recall that participants were required to evaluate a specific coreference relation between underlined words in the sentence). For present purposes, the important point is the overall acceptability of the genitive match condition (with ratings in the upper part of the scale) relative to the other three conditions (with ratings in the lower part of the scale).9. Addition of random slopes did not affect the pattern of significance, and did not significantly improve model fit.10. The trial order is generated based on the SBIN information in the output of Linger, which specifies the position of the item in the sequence seen by the subject. Results did not differ whether or not this variable was log transformed (case×gender×trial order (t= − 0.63)). We have also examined the order effect based directly on the SBIN information. Results did not differ depending on whether or not the SBIN variable was log-transformed either (i.e., there was no interaction between SBIN (or log-SBIN) and the other factors (case and gender): case×gender×sbin (t= − 0.71); case×gender×log-sbin (t= − 0.72)).11. A reviewer suggested that the current results might be explained in terms of relativised minimality (henceforth RM) (Rizzi, Citation1990). However, we do not consider this proposal here because, among other reasons, (1) RM does not offer a good treatment of strong island phenomena (see Boeckx, Citation2008; Nunes & Uriagereka, Citation2000; Stepanov, Citation2007 among others for related discussion) and (2) RM is intended to apply to configurations where the two elements of a dependency are in a c-command relation, which is not the case in our pronoun condition.12. Note that some studies have shown that D-linking contributes to extra processing cost (see De Vincenzi Citation1996; Donkers, Hoeks, & Stowe, Citation2011; Kaan, Harris, Gibson, & Holcomb, Citation2000) rather than facilitating the process as argued by Hofmeister and Sag 2010." @default.
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• W2089034860 date "2013-05-03" @default.
• W2089034860 modified "2023-09-25" @default.
• W2089034860 title "On the origin of islands" @default.
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• W2089034860 doi "https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2013.788196" @default.
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