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• W2091296291 abstract "Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Foucault, History of Sexuality, 141–2. 2. An important corrective is provided by Arendt, who argued that: (1) colonizers laid the conceptual groundwork for modern racism; (2) bureaucratic rationality developed in the colonies, but reached its apogee in the fascist and totalitarian regimes of Europe, and finally, (3) that the ‘administrative massacres’ of the colonies foretold Nazism’s extermination of the Jews. See Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism. 3. The work of the Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, is perhaps the best‐known emendation of Foucauldian biopower. Foucault is specifically interested in the techniques and processes that are capable of (differentially) prolonging a subject’s life. Instead, Agamben draws on German legal theorist Carl Schmitt to argue that sovereignty is transhistorical, and that it is modeled on the ‘state of exception,’ that is, the sovereign’s right to place himself outside the law he enacts, and to claim the right to kill. See Agamben, Homo Sacer. 4. Connelly provides ample evidence of a longer‐term history of forced sterilization in India, than its typical association with the authoritarian policies of the Indira Gandhi regime. He dates its demise, however, to the political exposes of Gandhi’s forced sterilization policy during the national Emergency (1975–1977). It is doubtful whether forced sterilization has in fact stopped, as Connelly asserts, or whether it has taken on even more pernicious forms, as with the demonization of Muslim population growth by Hindu nationalists, or female infanticide. Unlike earlier, neither policy is explicitly sponsored by the state. My point is to underline the extent to which discourses of population control have seeped into civil society. 5. Social and ascriptive identities such as religion and caste became the sites of political conflict and competition, leaving the colonial state to arbitrate between good and bad, deserving and undeserving forms of politics. This pointed to a hierarchy of political forms, with native agency stigmatized as requiring colonial correction. See, e.g. Dirks, Castes of Mind. 6. Two important discussions of the politics of planning in post‐independence India include: Chakravarty, Development Planning and Chatterjee, ‘The National State,’ 200–19. For an account of developmentalism, see Scott, Thinking Like a State. 7. In Connelly’s account, population control was, largely, a project led by men except for a few women like Margeret Sanger in an earlier era, and later, the demographer, Irene Taeuber. 8. On the shift from developmentalism to neoliberal ideology, and its implications for gender, see John, ‘Gender, Development,’ 100–24. 9. The only account that approaches anything close to Connelly’s account of the dense distribution of institutions and interests around fertility control in India is the film Something Like a War, by filmmaker, Deepa Dhanraj (1991). 10. I explore the consequences of this challenge to colonial and nationalist thought by caste and religious minorities in my book, Rao, Caste Question. 11. Sinha, Specters of Mother India." @default.
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• W2091296291 date "2010-03-01" @default.
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• W2091296291 title "India and global history" @default.
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• W2091296291 doi "https://doi.org/10.1080/07341510903545623" @default.
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