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- W2111728462 abstract "Abstract A priori, Italy and France would appear as unfit for activation policies. Yet, when activation is seen as a diversified strategy of restructuring welfare states across Europe, and not only the ‘activation’ of individuals from assistance, then the empirical picture over the last 20 years is much more complex. One of the main differences between both countries is with regard to the role of the state, whilst at the same time they share many common features. However, French achievements in matters of activation seem to be important, whereas in Italy institutional features have consistently impaired the development of comprehensive strategies. Keywords: activationsocial protectionrestructuring welfare statesactive labour market policies Notes Jean-Claude Barbier is Directeur de Recherche (CNRS, Sociology) at the Centre d'Etudes de l'Emploi (CEE, Noisy le Grand, France). He works on the international comparison of social policies, social protection systems and, particularly employment policies. He also currently studies the European Employment strategy, from the point of view of dissemination of ideas. He also does research on the epistemological and methodological stakes of the inter-national comparative posture. Valeria Fargion is associate professor of Political Science at the University of Florence; She teaches Public Policy and is also Jean Monnect Professor of European Social Policy. She has been the Italian representative in the management committee for COST A13 (‘Changing labour markets, welfare policies and citizenship’) and is currently a member of the ESPANET Board and of the ISA RC 19 Board. Her main research interests include comparative social policy and the Italian welfare state with particular reference to decentralisation and centre-funds on Italian Regional Governments. Valeria Fargion, Associate Professor, Facoltá di Science Politiche, Universitá di Firenze, Polo delle Scienze Sociali, Via della Pandette 27, 50125 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: valeria.fargion@unifi.it We term ‘universalistic’ the epistemological posture which contends that social phenomena are to be studied in the context of universal laws, and which assumes that, in any country, ‘functional equivalents’ can be found of phenomena observed in one country. The ‘universalistic’ posture has polar counterparts, in the ‘relativistic’ or ‘culturalist’ ones. In our introductory paper (Barbier and Ludwig Mayerhofer, this issue), we have used the term ‘universalistic’ with another, different meaning, referring to the universal provision of services and benefits, which characterise the social-democratic, Scandinavian welfare model. The calculation of unemployment has long been impacted in Italy by the limited capacity of its statistics to take into account whether the unemployed were or were not available; a reform was introduced in 2000, but not yet fully implemented, see next section. Standard employee status in France is contrat à durée indéterminée; in Italy the mainstream employment relationship is regulated by reference to the 1970 Statuto dei Lavoratori. The majority of their holders are low qualified employees or workers; for instance call-centre operators are in this way ‘disguised’ as self-employed to save on non-wage labour costs. In just a few years the number of co-co-co has increased to about 2,500,000. The active population in France has been in the range of 24–25.5 million in the 1990s (between 24.5 and 25.3 in Italy). Recipients after a certain period of eligibility will be transferred to a new benefit (revenu minimum d'activité, RMA), which is deemed to entail enhanced employment obligations in 2004. Article 2 of the RMI Act reads as follows: ‘Every person residing in France whose income (…) does not reach the amount of the minimum income (…) and who is at least 25 or is in charge of one or several child (ren) (…) and who accepts participation in the activities, determined with him/her, that are necessary for his/her social or labour market integration, has a right to RMI” (1988, 1992 amended, Acts). The number of sanctions has sharply increased with the introduction of the PARE: in 2002/2003, there were about 35,000 monthly sanctions (radiations) for a total of 340,000 people leaving the PES register (in 1991, when the labour market was also very depressed and the number of people leaving the register was about the same, the number of sanctions was about 50,000 annually.) Although both populations are similar: from 1990 to 2001, the French population grew from 54.6 to 57.7 million; the Italian population from 56.2 to 57.2 million. There were 80,000 CIG beneficiaries in 2000, out of 1.4 million of unemployment benefit recipients. Lavori socialmente utili, See further. Ammortizzatori sociali, in Italian, literally ‘social shock absorbers’, refer to unemployment insurance and assistance programmes for the unemployed. In a second stage (see next section), the very notion of what was considered ‘active labour market policy’ in France was to be transformed through the introduction of the systematic decreasing of employers’ social contributions. Because the ‘availability’ criterion was not applied, the number of unemployed officially registered with the job placement offices was unduly boosted. With the introduction of a new registering procedure in August 2003, availability is supposed to be checked, but this is just starting to be implemented. It must be stressed that similar discussions developed even in the most successful countries, including Denmark (Jørgensen Citation2002). This was for instance the case with the introduction of the allocation parentale d’éducation (APE). One should recall during the transition period, given the parties’ weakness, the executive resorted to the social partners and particularly the trade unions to legitimise crucial policy decisions." @default.
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- W2111728462 date "2004-10-01" @default.
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- W2111728462 title "Continental inconsistencies on the path to activation" @default.
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