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• W2134734900 abstract "Introduction The current curriculum reform agenda in Hong Kong (Curriculum Development Council, 2001) is enmeshed in politics of a postcolonial society. Yet, there is not a single view of what post-coloniality means for Hong Kong's school curriculum. Vickers and Kan (2003), for example, have argued that the political context of educational policymaking in contemporary Hong Kong effectively prevents students from being exposed through formal curriculum or textbooks to any account of local and national past that differs from orthodox, Beijing approved version (p. 180). At same time, Chan, Kennedy, and Fok (2005) have noted repeal of restrictive colonial education legislation in 1990s and its effects in post-handover period, giving teachers more freedom to innovate and meet needs of students with a more varied and relevant curriculum. This tension between restriction and freedom, when coupled with what Wan (2005) has described as a Confucian managerial ideology in Hong Kong schools (p. 856), means that curriculum reform is caught up in a political contest at both macro and micro levels. Freedom from colonial restraints has not meant unrestricted freedom: while local authorities have full responsibility for curriculum, both politics and culture continue to drive curriculum and curriculum reform in post-handover Hong Kong. Yet, curriculum reform is not new to Hong Kong. Throughout 1970s and 1980s, British colonial government experimented with a range of innovations although, as Sweeting and Morris (1993) have pointed out, their education policy focus was not so much on quality of education as on creating access to schooling. This meant that by 1978, compulsory education had been extended to age of 15. From 1984 onwards, politics in Hong Kong was dominated by Sino-British agreement on return of Hong Kong to China so that colonial governments, at least until appointment of Chris Pattern as Governor, were often reluctant to engage in widespread change. The colonial government's final attempt at curriculum reform, referred to as Target-Oriented Curriculum (TOC),2 was part of the post-Tiananmen pre-handover period, as departing colonial authorities strove to leave with honor and to show commitment to Hong Kong's future (Adamson & Morris, 2000, p. 10). As such, TOC did not outlast colonial administration. July 1,1997 marked not only end of British colonialism in Hong Kong, and indeed world, but also end of TOC. The new government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of People's Republic of China inherited a colonial curriculum but it was not to be a lasting legacy. The focus of this article, therefore, is on analyzing curriculum reform agenda that has emerged in post-colonial Hong Kong. This agenda was not only post-colonial in time but, as will be argued here, also postcolonial in substance. The analysis to follow is focused on three broad areas: * The contexts that shaped reform and nature of curriculum reform agenda * The vision and reality of reform agenda, especially from point of view of policymakers * The public responses to reform agenda Hong Kong Contexts and Curriculum Reform Agenda Contexts Hong Kong's history since middle of nineteenth century was dominated by its role as a British colony located on periphery of Chinese mainland. Luk (1991) has argued that these twin contexts influenced both educational policy and practice in Hong Kong. The importance of context in shaping and constructing education cannot be underestimated (Peters, 1996; Jones, 1990; Sweeting, 1998). This section explores different aspects of context in which Hong Kong's current curriculum reform agenda is embedded. Culturally, Hong Kong is a Chinese society and 95% of its inhabitants are ethnic Chinese. …" @default.
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• W2134734900 date "2006-04-01" @default.
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• W2134734900 title "Reforming the Curriculum in a Post-Colonial Society: The Case of Hong Kong." @default.
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