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• W2168080401 abstract "Abstract Low-income children perform better in school when school-focused future identities are a salient aspect of their possible self for the coming year and these school-focused future identities are linked to behavioral strategies (Oyserman et al., Citation2006). Hierarchical linear modeling of data from a four-state low-income neighborhood sample of eighth-graders suggests two central consequences of family and neighborhood socioeconomic deprivation on children's school-focused possible identities and strategies. First, higher neighborhood disadvantage is associated with greater salience of school in children's possible self for the coming year. Second, disadvantage clouds the path to school-success; controlling for salience of school-focused possible identities, children living in lower socioeconomic status families and boys living in more economically disadvantaged neighborhoods were less likely to have strategies to attain their school-focused possible identities. The influence of family socioeconomic status was seen particularly with regard to strategies to attain academic success and teacher engagement aspects of school-focused identities. Keywords: Possible selvesFuture selfAdolescenceMotivationAfrican American Acknowledgments Funding for this work came in part from a program project within the African American Mental Health Research Program NIH P01 – MH58565 (James Jackson PI) and from the NIH Prevention Research Training Program (NIH T32 MH63057-03, Oyserman PI) in which Johnson and James were Fellows. This project was completed while Oyserman was a Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Science, Stanford, CA. The Fast Track project was funded by National Institute of Mental Health Grants R18 MH48043, R18 MH50951, R18 MH50952, and R18 MH5095, and includes, in alphabetical order: Karen L. Bierman, John D. Coie, Kenneth A. Dodge, Mark T. Greenberg, John E. Lochman, Robert J. McMahon, and Ellen E. Pinderhughes. We would like to thank Nick Yoder for help coding the possible-self data, the Fast Track and Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group for allowing us to use their possible self and neighborhood data and Michael Foster for providing details about the sampling process and sample retention in the Fast Track. Notes We focus on socioeconomic context rather than racial−ethnic identity context. Racial and ethnic heritage are often highly correlated with both family and neighborhood socioeconomic context variables, making separate estimation of effects effectively impossible. Moreover, there is some evidence that family and neighborhood contexts are the more important factors in predicting adolescent goal setting (Massey et al., Citation2008). For example, longitudinal analyses of national data of children aged 14–26 (Mello, Citation2009, using the 1988 National Educational Longitudinal Study; NELS) shows effects for family SES on occupational and educational expectations controlling for race–ethnicity and few effects of race–ethnicity controlling for SES. Using a separate sample of adolescents from five ethnic groups, Phinney, Baumann, and Blanton (Citation2001) found that after controlling for SES, there was no association between ethnicity and reported long-term goals and expected outcomes. That this study focused only on boys and conflated race and SES is important for a number of reasons. In some studies, stronger neighborhood effects are found for boys than for girls when neighborhood SES is high (Connell & Halpern-Felsher, Citation1997; Duncan Citation1994; Ensminger, Lamkin, & Jacobson, Citation1996; Ludwig, Duncan, & Hirschfield, 2001). Some studies also find effects by race–ethnicity, with stronger neighborhood effects on outcomes of European American compared to African American youth (Brooks-Gunn et al., Citation1993; Duncan, Citation1994; Halpern-Felscher et al., Citation1997). Taken together, these studies imply that the Cook (Cook et al., Citation1996) findings were more due to the positive effects of SES on the white middle-class boys than to the negative effects of SES on the African American low-income boys. Sample attrition was low, with 86% of the initial normative sample participating in the 8th grade possible self and strategy interview. Likelihood of participation in this interview did not vary as a function of race, gender, geographic location, or baseline measures of problem behaviors used to screen the children (χ2 = 5.36, df = 7, p = .62; E. M. Foster, personal communication, 18 February 2006). Excluded from current analyses were the 34 youth with missing data on the possible self and strategies questions or on family or neighborhood socioeconomic measures, or grades. Other categories were much less common, 17% of responses focused on peer relationships, 8% focused on personality traits, 5% focused on physical appearance or health, 2% were focused on off-track outcomes such as being involved with drugs, and 1% were focused on lifestyle or material possessions. We thank an anonymous reviewer for suggesting this additional control, which allows us to examine the effect of socioeconomic context on strategies separate from the dependence of strategies on having a possible identity in the domain of school." @default.
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• W2168080401 date "2010-07-14" @default.
• W2168080401 modified "2023-10-03" @default.
• W2168080401 title "Seeing the Destination but Not the Path: Effects of Socioeconomic Disadvantage on School-focused Possible Self Content and Linked Behavioral Strategies" @default.
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• W2168080401 doi "https://doi.org/10.1080/15298868.2010.487651" @default.
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