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• W2205829867 abstract "These have been hard times for Transatlantic alliance. One has come to expect rough patches in Franco-American relations, but policies of second Bush Presidency, clashing with Chancellor Schroder's anti-war reelection campaign in 2002, have seemingly plunged relations between United States and Germany, stalwart Cold War allies, into crisis as well. For some, grosser Teich (big pond, as many Germans were once fond of referring to Atlantic Ocean) is looking more oceanic by day. No one has insisted upon widening gulf as clamorously as Robert Kagan of Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. But this impression is wrong for at least two reasons. First, and most significantly, because it depends upon gulf that has opened up between U.S. and Germany on a number of policy issues, which are subject to shifts in popular mood, while neglecting more fundamental commonalities. Second, this conclusion relies upon a willful blindness to comparative sample that gives it force. As to first critique, Kagan and many other commentators seem persuaded that divergence and disagreement over policy and in popular culture are adequate measures of rot that has supposedly gotten into Transatlantic alliance. Thus, death penalty, gun ownership and social welfare come in for consideration. So, too, does popularity of Michael Moore in Europe. Of course, Iraq war is policy agenda dejour that serves as definitive diagnostic device leading to conclusion that United States and Germany are drifting apart. With respect to second critique, in remarking upon dramatic differences between United States and Europe, Transatlantic pessimists do not dwell on determinative character of their self-selected comparative sample. But dissimilarities between United States and Europe fade from nearly any other comparative perspective. What if, for example, focus shifted away from distinctions within Transatlantic alliance (including United States and Germany) to a consideration of distinctions between Transatlantic alliance and (perhaps more appropriate for today's geopolitical climate) Arab world? Human stem cell research, focus of present proceedings, simply adds grist to this mill. Taking United States and Germany, one finds totally dichotomous policies. The United States liberally permits practice and only imposes restrictions on availability of federal funds for projects involving human stem cell research.' Germany, on other hand, which only recently softened its comprehensive ban on practice, still tightly regulates limited exception to that ban. Accepting respective policies on this issue as exceptionally indicative of state of Transatlantic alliance, it would seem to be difficult to dispute that, in considering United States and Germany today, we are talking about countries as different as Mars and Venus. I beg to differ. Underlying countries' diametrical approaches toward human stem cell research is a shared brand of liberal constitutionalism that transcends matters of malleable policy. I believe that an examination of this fundamental common ground is a better test of firmness of foundations of Transatlanticism. Ironically, Kagan seems to agree: after all, it is more than a cliche that United States and Europe share a set of common Western beliefs. Their aspirations for humanity are much same, even if their vast disparity of power has now put them in very different places. In this paper, I argue that tensions plaguing Transatlantic alliance, and intensity of alarm they have triggered, are overblown. Washington and Berlin may not see exactly eye-to-eye these days, but Americans and Germans occupy decidedly same world. This conclusion rests on my examination of a shared Transatlantic constitutionalism, as exemplified by probable United States and German constitutional responses to human stem cell research. A constitutional analysis of this issue does not support conclusion that the United States and Europe are fundamentally different today. To contrary, it reveals that, even on an issue for which they reach such conflicting conclusions, United States and Germany have most important things in common." @default.
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• W2205829867 date "2012-01-10" @default.
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• W2205829867 title "A Shared Constitutionalism: Stem Cells and the Case for Transatlanticism" @default.
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