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• W222042654 abstract "Introduction Contrary to 'overly optimistic' scholarly expectations (Levitsky and Way, 2002), transitions from authoritarianism in the last quarter of the preceding century have, in rare instances only, led to creation of democratic political systems alike those that had already existed. (23) Instead, as Carothers effectively points out, thereby announcing the end of 'transition paradigm' based on the assumption that 'any country moving away from dictatorial rule can be considered a country in transition toward democracy', most of these regimes have ended up in a 'political grey zone...between full-fledged democracy and outright dictatorship' (2002: 7). As the third wave of democratization (Huntington, 1991) began to break, the world has witnessed an emergence of so-called hybrid political regimes (Karl, 1995). These ambiguous systems, writes Ottaway, combine rhetorical acceptance of liberal democracy, the existence of some formal democratic institutions, in the first place multiparty elections, and respect for a limited sphere of civil and political liberties with essentially illiberal or even authoritarian traits (2003: 3). The fusion of democratic procedures and authoritarian practices, in a way that the existence of the former masks the reality of the latter, thus provided the base for hybrid regimes' establishment. Formally embracing democracy while, at the same time, regularly resorting to blatant abuses of human and political rights, these regimes, in effect, failed to make clear-cut break with non-democratic past. The end of the Cold War has given a particularly strong impetus to the process of their global proliferation. Following the collapse of communism, under conditions of emerging liberal hegemony, world-wide promotion of democracy and human rights, comprehensive economic change, and communication technologies' revolution, very few governments were willing to continue advocating non-democratic systems of governance. However, while increasingly adopting forms of democracy during this period, very few of them were actually willing to bring about substantive democratization. In effect, says Schedler, they would strive to constrain, contain, and control their own institutional creations, i.e. try to make sure that, nominally democratic, they remained substantively authoritarian (2009: 8) Throughout Latin America, Africa and Eurasia, by legalizing opposition parties and allowing for competitive elections whilst manipulating the process so as to ensure political survival, they discovered ways to acquiesce to internal and external demands for democratization while still maintaining their hold on power (Howard and Roessler, 2006: 365). At the end of the 1990s, autocrats allowing some form of multiparty elections thus outnumbered those who did not by more than two to one (Schedler, 2002: 47). By 2001, Brownlee reminds, five dozen of these regimes blended liberalization with repression and signified the durability of authoritarianism during a period that had augured global democracy (2007: 16). As a result, roughly a third of all regimes have arguably fallen into the hybrid category (Hale, 2008: 1). This way, hybrid regimes have become not only the modal form of government in the developing countries but also 'the most widespread political system in the world at the beginning of the twenty-first century' (Howard and Roessler, 2006: 365). This new political dynamics in the course of the last two decades has, unsurprisingly, generated a considerable academic attention. (24) After acknowledging their significant presence within the realm of contemporary non-democratic political systems, students of hybrid regimes have recognized 'the need to shed light on this murky set of regimes by studying them relative to one another, rather than by highlighting the numerous ways in which they fall short of the standard set by advanced democracies' (Ibid). (25) The analytical focus, in that regard, has been on the specific conditions in which political competition in hybrid regimes takes place. …" @default.
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• W222042654 date "2011-12-22" @default.
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• W222042654 title "Diverging Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes: The Cases of Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro" @default.
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