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• W225535374 abstract "In 1985, Israel formally carved out a security zone reaching up to 20 kilometers beyond its northern borders into It did so in cooperation with a small, mainly Christian South Army, claiming the territory as Free Lebanon. That development has sparked curiosity about the historical roots of Israel's policy toward its northern neighbor. Laura Zittrain Eisenberg, a professor at the University of Pittsburgh, pinpoints her own active interest in the subject to June 1982, when she traveled to northern Galilee with the Israeli army hot on [her] heels into (p. 7). This experience led her to investigate what she found to be a long and colorful history of ZionistLebanese (p. 7). That description is valid, with two caveats: first, those relations were essentially restricted to department-level contacts involving the Jewish Agency, rather than the policymaking Executive level on the Jewish side, and to a select group of Maronites on the Lebanese side; second, the relations failed to produce any meaningful results for either party during the period covered by the study. Nor does Eisenberg make an effort to relate these early relationships to events in the 1980s. Drawing upon the files of the Political Department of the Jewish Agency in Mandatory Palestine, Eisenberg recognizes that her sources are overwhelmingly Zionist. Accordingly, she carefully chose Zionist policy toward as [her] focus, and [hopes] that when the conflict in is resolved, historians will be free to look for the missing Lebanese pieces to the Zionist-Lebanese puzzle (p. 9). Eisenberg also consulted the archival holdings in Paris and Nantes of the French Foreign Ministry regarding the inter-war French Mandate in Of course, the particular attraction had for the Zionists was its uniqueness as a Middle Eastern nation in which Christians outnumbered Muslims. Through the years, the population of Christians gradually declined relative to the population of Muslims, resulting, by the 1980s, in a significant Muslim majority. The decline in the Christian share of the population is at the core of much of Eisenberg's book, because early Zionist perceptions of as a possible political partner were based precisely on the assumption that it was a Christian country anxious to avoid losing its identity either to neighboring Syria or to a broader Pan-Arab movement. Nevertheless, Eisenberg omits all statistics, referring the reader to a work published in 1947 (p. 173). My Enemy's Enemy faults the Maronites, and also the French and British, for creating political conditions after World War I which made these demographic trends inevitable, to the great disadvantage of Christian Eisenberg sees the Maronites as having overreached geographically by pressing for an enlarged Lebanon that unduly extended beyond their Mount heartland to include Muslim-dominated regions, consequently creating that fatal contradiction between Christian and Greater [which is] at the root of the ongoing conflict in that state (pp. 48-9). Whatever influence the Zionists had among the Christians in reached a peak in the later 1930s, when the Political Department (which operated largely on its own without advance approval of the Jewish Agency Executive, p. 155) maintained cordial, if quite discreet, relations with the president of Lebanon, Emile Edde, and with the patriarch of the Maronite Church, Antoine 'Arida. …" @default.
• W225535374 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W225535374 date "1996-01-01" @default.
• W225535374 modified "2023-09-28" @default.
• W225535374 title "My Enemy's Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination, 1900-1948" @default.
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