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• W2260652008 abstract "This chapter is concerned with whether large-scale statebuilding interventions have an impact on democratizing state polities much beyond theirmetropolitan centers. It reviews the effectiveness of statebuilding in Cambodia vis-a-vis its impact on aspects of the political and social organization ofmetropolitan elites and rural masses, and finds that, after nearly two decades, political change in both sectors has been superficial and remains operationalized and dominated by informal, socially-ruled systems of patronageand clientelism, rather than determined by impartial, independent andimpersonal institutions associated with the democratic prerogative explicit instatebuilding and democratization. The chapter discusses how comprehending political activities is complicated by the appearance of democracy disguising the functioning of political and social institutions. There are, I argue,superficial political institutions in the metropolis of Phnom Penh that arenominally democratic, but which, on closer scrutiny, are political husks.They are less meaningful democratic institutions concerned with the rule oflaw and the separation of powers, for instance, than they are labeled buildings.Furthermore, rural areas seem even less susceptible to democratization thanthe metropolis, especially where “new” systems render people temporarily orpermanently less secure than the pre-democratic means of social organization. The chapter proposes that statebuilding in Cambodia has been oflimited impact in terms of its implicit and explicit democratization agenda.The roots of this “failure to launch” and lack of susceptibility to democraticconversion are also to be found in many other countries undergoingexternally-assisted statebuilding. This suggests that we can make some broadgeneralizations about likely outcomes of postwar statebuilding and thereforethe approaches we might take. The essay concludes by arguing that providingmore than the basic pluralization and electoral systems to non-democraticsystems would ultimately be ineffective and therefore wasteful. Furthermore,since indigenous polities adapt and reject elements of democracy they finduseful or meaningless, hybrid plural-indigenous systems are the most likely,and in some respects the most desirable, outcome. These should be encouraged, I argue, because they allow specific political evolution best suited tolocal experiences and capacities. This approach would also reduce the risksand perceptions of “democentricity” and imperious intent. It may also resultin statebuilding being conducted more economically and with fewer indigenous and endogenous challenges.The first section of this chapter introduces the subject matter and debate.The second section discusses the literature on political elitism and commonsocial patronage. The third section describes Cambodia before the recentperiod of externally-driven statebuilding. The fourth section examines thestatebuilding intervention conceptually and practically, focusing on the specific areas of political and social institution building. The fifth sectionexamines Cambodia in the aftermath of the exercise and discusses andexplains the lack of democratization in specific areas of elite and socialactivity. The final section presents some concluding generalizations andrecommendations relating to postwar statebuilding interventions." @default.
• W2260652008 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W2260652008 date "2009-01-13" @default.
• W2260652008 modified "2023-09-26" @default.
• W2260652008 title "The superficiality of statebuilding in cambodia: patronage and clientelism as enduring forms of politics" @default.
• W2260652008 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203884836-16" @default.
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