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• W227171495 abstract "THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE GATHERED IN THE VICINITY of Little Rock Central High School during desegregation crisis of September 1957 varied according to developments in political and legal arenas.1 At their maximum of about one thousand early in September, when Gov. Orval Faubus used Arkansas National Guard to bar black students from school, and again later in month, when Guard was withdrawn and Little Rock Nine finally entered school under armed federal protection, crowds gradually melted away once they had no one in particular to vent their rage upon or came to fear consequences of an unequal confrontation with federal troops and courts.2 Assiduous in their attendance until September 23, even most resolute representatives of Capital Citizens' Council and Mothers' League of Central High School had second thoughts about defying presidential orders to cease and desist from their interference and were conspicuous by their absence on and after September 24. Indeed, within twenty-four hours of federal intervention, crowd had vanished, just as it had-albeit more slowly-once focus of attention had shifted to courts after Nine's initial (and unsuccessful) attempt to enter Central on September 4.3 According to goodly number of contemporaries from both sides of racial divide, of those who gathered in streets around Central during tumultuous events of September 1957 were either strangers to city or ruffians or, more often, combination of two.4 For lack of better word, one of Arkansas Gazette's two principal on-site reporters concluded, crowds consisted of a lot of or, as Daisy Bates saw them, a healthy contingent of troublemakers from outside Little Rock.5 When we looked out from windows of school building at troublemakers, junior Wendell Ross remembered, very rarely did we recognize any of our neighbors. They were all rabble who had come from outside Little Rock and Pulaski County.6 Like the hillbilly and the peckerwood who assaulted Memphis-based Tri- State Defender's Alex Wilson, they were people who, if they were not authentic rednecks or recent arrivals from country counties, behaved in way that other city folk and media equated with such.7 They were slattern, down at heels mob of women who did not hesitate to shout obscenities in public and men with phlegm on their chins who blew their noses on sidewalks; people so hostile to unfamiliar accents that they intimidated some northern newsmen into abandoning their coats, ties, and rental cars for plaid shirts, slacks, and pickups; people whose crude and illeducated voices Central's male vice-principal, J. O. Powell, heard snarling from steps of his school, cut any nigger's balls out wut sets foot in this here street . . . . An' I'll cut any guard's guts out if he gits in my way. 8 Few historians have studied these street protesters in any detail. Usually confining themselves to noting presence of leading members of city's major segregationist organizations, Capital Citizens' Council and its offshoot, Mothers' League, and/or to incidental references to crowds-or, with reference to events on and after Little Rock Nine's aborted entry to Central on September 23, to mobs-established authorities such as Neil McMillen, Numan Bartley, and J. W. Peltason commonly imply that demonstrators did not include people from higher echelons of society. But, with their interests firmly on other, more general issues, they did not investigate precisely who those demonstrators were.9 Adding photographs and televisual sources to their armories, more recent researchers have not only been more specific but willing to challenge outsider characterization. Ben Johnson, for instance, contends that a majority of rioters were local residents rather than toughs from foreign parts. …" @default.
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• W227171495 date "2008-10-01" @default.
• W227171495 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W227171495 title "Everybody Says All Those People . . . Were from out of Town, but They Weren't: A Note on Crowds during the Little Rock Crisis" @default.
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