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• W229118472 abstract "I. REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY AT THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION Direct democracy, as Professor Clark has pointed out, is not necessarily people talking. (1) Quite appropriately, he has focused on ways in which representative democracy--the republican form of democracy--works. (2) This Essay will make a separate point, which ties in with Framers' original intent in choosing republicanism over direct democracy. If one refers to notes of debates at Constitutional Convention--as opposed to relying solely on Federalist Papers, which were, after all, in significant part propaganda to obtain ratification--one discovers that when gathered in Philadelphia for Constitutional Convention they were not very fond of the people. (3) They thought of people as an unruly mob, incapable of being corralled to attain larger public good. (4) Convention was not only not a populist movement, it was also deeply suspicious of capacities of people to even elect public leaders, let alone decide matters of public policy. Roger Sherman of Connecticut, for example, stated that [t]he people ... [immediately] should have as little to do as may be about Government. (5) Sherman insisted that Congress should be elected by state legislatures and opposed election by people on grounds that their lack of information made them easily susceptible to deception. (6) Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts added: The evils we experience flow from excess of democracy. people do not want virtue; but are dupes of pretended patriots. (7) Colonel George Mason of Virginia rejected direct election of President as follows: The extent of Country renders it impossible that people can have requisite capacity to judge of respective pretensions of Candidates. (8) sought a way to repair republican form of democracy that had been codified by Articles of Confederation and that had failed so spectacularly. This, our first constitution, was an abject failure. (9) Our second constitution--the one we employ today--was decidedly more successful, and that success is due in part to Framers tinkering not with populism or direct democracy, but with representative democracy. Articles were seen as a failure because they had not yielded high-minded representatives or legislatures that operated to serve public good. Instead, state legislatures had become bastions of corruption. (10) II. CAN DIRECT DEMOCRACY AND REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY COOPERATE TO ACHIEVE A COMMON PURPOSE? For Framers, representative democracy was intended to filter faction--what today we would call interest groups--because when narrowly focused groups act unilaterally, they can undermine public good. (11) wanted to create a system that would enable representatives to operate as independent decision makers who would take interests and factions into account as they looked toward larger public good. (12) If we agree that representative constitutional order is intended to move decision making away from factional-centered goals toward objectives that take into account larger good, question for direct democracy is whether it can perform same horizon-altering function. In other words, however popular decision making happens--whether through town hall meetings, referenda, or initiatives--the question is whether process is capable of framing factional interest in a way that moves public decision making beyond view of narrow group. short answer is that we have not yet studied direct democracy processes sufficiently to pose a certain, or near certain, answer to question. Although direct democracy has existed in United States since late nineteenth century, (13) it is mostly a creature of our Western states and today remains largely under-examined. (14) III. …" @default.
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• W229118472 date "2009-01-01" @default.
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• W229118472 title "Political Responses to Supreme Court Decisions" @default.
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