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- W2338636106 abstract "• This talk will primarily be about comparing two approaches to ellipsis, and the predictions they make regarding a certain construction – Namely, a sentence with a sluiced adjectival modifier. We may veer off on several tangents, but this will be the central concern. • The data we shall be considering will largely take the following form. So get used to it. 1. Mary married a handsome man, but i'm not sure how handsome. • The two hypotheses that I shall be pitting against each other are as follows: • Hypothesis 1: Syntactic Isomorphism ◦ The ellipsis site (e-site) in sluicing is licensed under syntactic isomorphism with an IP antecedent. • Hypothesis 2: Semantic Identity ◦ It is licensed under semantic identity (to be expanded upon) with an IP antecedent. It may be, but must not be syntactically isomorphic with its antecedent. • the specific approach to sluicing that we adopt can have radical consequences for the status of syntactic island constraints in the grammar, amongst other things. • I'm going to spoil the punchline right now and say that i'll be planting my flag on the side of hypothesis (2). I have a number of conceptual and empirical arguments for doing so, centered largely around the consequences (1) and (2) have for sluices with adjectival modifiers. • Now for some of the necessary background..." @default.
- W2338636106 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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- W2338636106 date "2012-01-01" @default.
- W2338636106 modified "2023-09-27" @default.
- W2338636106 title "Illusory Island Repair in Sluicing: Evidence from Non- Predicative Adjectives" @default.
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