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• W2405335110 abstract "Inductive Generalization in Early Childhood: The Contribution of Perceptual and Representational Similarity Karrie E. Godwin (kegodwin@andrew.cmu.edu) Carnegie Mellon University, Department of Psychology, 5000 Forbes Avenue, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 USA Anna V. Fisher (fisher49@andrew.cmu.edu) Carnegie Mellon University, Department of Psychology, 5000 Forbes Avenue, Pittsburgh, PA 15213 USA Abstract Inductive generalization is ubiquitous in human cognition; however, the factors underpinning this ability early in development remain contested. Two alternative perspectives have been proposed for how children make inductive inferences: a naive theory account (Gelman & Markman, 1986; Markman, 1990) and a similarity-based account (Sloutsky & Fisher, 2004; 2012). Although both theories claim considerable empirical support, the debate is ongoing and results of extant studies are often deemed inconclusive. We report an experiment designed to evaluate the predictions of each account. In this study, 2- to 5-year-old children were asked to make inferences about highly familiar object categories. The reported findings are not fully consistent with either the naive theory or the similarity-based approach. Therefore, we propose a revised version of the similarity- based account, which can account for the reported findings. Keywords: inductive reasoning; categories; representations; cognitive development. Introduction The ability to generalize from the known to the unknown is a critical component of human cognition. For example, by 10 months of age infants are able to generalize observable object properties (e.g., Baldwin, Markman & Melartin, 1993), by 24 months of age children can generalize labels to novel objects (e.g., Booth & Waxman, 2002; Jones & Smith, 1998; Smith, Jones, & Landau, 1996), and during the preschool years children begin to make inductive inferences about unobservable properties (e.g., Fisher, Matlen, & Godwin, 2011; Gelman & Markman, 1986; Sloutsky & Fisher, 2004). Despite general agreement regarding the importance of inductive generalization for human cognition, there is little agreement regarding the developmental origins of this ability. Two alternative perspectives have been proposed for how children make inductive inferences: a naive theory account (Gelman & Markman, 1986; Markman, 1990) and a similarity-based account (Sloutsky & Fisher, 2004; 2012). According to the naive theory approach, from very early in development people first identify category membership of items under consideration and then generalize a known property to items of the same kind: “by 2 ½ years, children expect categories to promote rich inductive inferences… and they can overlook conflicting perceptual appearances in doing so” (Gelman & Coley, 1990, p. 802). Furthermore, it has been suggested that the ability to make category-based inferences is not a product of development and learning. Instead, children are “initially biased” to recognize that labels denote categories and make inferences on the basis of shared category membership (Gelman & Markman, 1986, p. 207), an idea that has been highly influential in the literature (e.g., Booth & Waxman, 2002; Gelman & Coley, 1990; Jaswal & Markman, 2007; Kalish, 2006; Keil, 1989). In contrast to the two-step account of inductive inference suggested by the naive theory approach, Sloutsky and Fisher (2004) proposed a one-step similarity-based account called SINC (Similarity, Induction, Naming, and Categorization). According to SINC, children make inferences on the basis of the overall similarity of presented entities computed over all perceived object features. Within this approach, labels are considered to be object features (rather than category markers) that contribute to the overall perceptual similarity. Therefore, according to SINC an inference can be label- based without necessarily being category-based. Several findings suggest that children rely primarily on perceptual features of objects (but not category membership information) to make inferences well beyond the preschool years, possibly until 7 to 9 years of age (e.g., Badger & Shapiro, 2012; Fisher & Sloutsky, 2005; Sloutsky, Kloos, & Fisher, 2007). Evidence in support of the naive theory of inductive generalization stems from the seminal study by Gelman and Markman (1986). In this study researchers asked preschool- age children and college students to make inferences about natural kinds when perceptual information was ambiguous or conflicted with category membership (cf. Sloutsky & Fisher, 2004). Labels were used to communicate category information; for instance, participants were asked whether a rock shared a non-obvious property with a stone or chalk. The overall rate of category match choices was above chance, both in preschool children and college students. These findings were taken as evidence that even young children hold a belief (or a naive theory) that natural kind objects share a number of unobservable properties if they belong to the same category, and make inductive inferences on the basis of this belief. Subsequent studies reported similar findings in younger children and infants (e.g., Gelman & Coley, 1990; Graham, Kilbreath, & Welder, The similarity-based approach explains these findings through the contribution of the similarity of auditory features (i.e., linguistic labels in this case) to inductive" @default.
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• W2405335110 date "2014-01-01" @default.
• W2405335110 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W2405335110 title "Inductive Generalization in Early Childhood: The Contribution of Perceptual and Representational Similarity" @default.
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