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• W2409190021 abstract "Prior to 1780, slavery existed in all European settler societies in the Americas. For manyyears the historiography of American slavery was dominated by the study of those portions of Anglophone America that became the United States and by the study of Brazil,but during recent decades an explosion of scholarship has both broadened and deepenedknowledge of slavery throughout the hemisphere. It has become clear that slavery was aremarkably flexible institution, taking different forms and playing different economic,social, and cultural roles in the gold and silver mines in South and Central America, thecities of Spanish and Luso America, the logging frontiers of Central America, the sugarplantations of the Caribbean, the ships plying the Atlantic, and the farms, towns, andplantations of North America. The wealth of local and regional studies that has revealedthis variety has also uncovered a wide range of labor relations, living arrangements,family structures, and cultural responses. In all of these settings, however, historianshave found evidence that the enslaved resisted their oppression.The omnipresence of resistance in the historiography of slavery raises questions. In thehands of some historians, it can seem that any act committed by any slave that did notobviously reinforce slavery should be considered an example of resistance. When shouldattending a dance or a barbecue be considered an act of resistance, and when should itnot? Limiting the definition of resistance is more difficult, however, than it might appear,because the wide array of contexts within which slavery developed means that broad,synthetic, and theoretical approaches to resistance threaten to homogenize the differentmeanings that similar acts carried in different settings. It is true, for instance, that slavesthroughout the Americas ran away from those who claimed them as property. Underany theoretical umbrella, such behavior counts as resistance. But even in this seeminglyclear-cut case, the similarity is deceiving. Were those African, African American, andNative American people who ran away to build and then defend the federated villagesthat comprised the famous seventeenth-century Brazilian quilombo of Palmares engagedin the same activity as an eighteenth-century African American slave who ran away fromLandon Carter’s Virginia plantation, but who remained hiding in the immediate vicinityuntil he was recaptured? How does either of those acts relate to Frederick Douglass’famous flight to freedom from Maryland to New York in 1838, or the attempt ofGabriel, the leader of an 1800 slave conspiracy in Richmond, Virginia, to stow away onboard a boat sailing away from the state in an effort to escape those trying to capturehim? (Schwartz, 1992: ch. 4; Isaac, 1982: 328-50; Sidbury, 1997: ch. 2, 3). No one doubtsthat all of these runaways were resisting the slave regimes in which they lived, butgrouping them together threatens to obscure more than it illuminates about what theydid and what they believed themselves to be doing.To be sure, too much can be made of this problem. On one level, it is simply a specificinstance of the tension inherent in all historical synthesis – that between respecting whatis specific and idiosyncratic about an individual or event while drawing out broaderpatterns. On a more important level, it can sound a useful cautionary note about thecomplications involved in tracing patterns linking the efforts and perceptions of millionsof men and women caught up in an institution that lasted from the beginning of thesixteenth century until the end of the nineteenth century, spanned North and SouthAmerica as well as the islands of the Caribbean, and supplied labor for enterprises thatranged from small family farms and artisanal workshops to large mines, huge plantations, and major industrial concerns. Resistance could not help but take differentforms and have different meanings at different times and places. In surveying the struggles of many of the enslaved peoples throughout the Americas, this chapter discussesthree broad aspects of slave resistance: the search for cultural autonomy, the effortsof the enslaved to run away from their owners, and the physically violent responses ofsome enslaved people to their condition. In moving from a survey of the cultures of theenslaved to an examination of slave violence, the discussion moves from the mostambiguous forms of resistance to those acts whose status as resistance historians havebeen least inclined to question. It closes with a discussion of the relationships amongthese different kinds of resistance." @default.
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• W2409190021 date "2010-11-01" @default.
• W2409190021 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W2409190021 title "RESISTANCE TO SLAVERY" @default.
• W2409190021 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203840573-19" @default.
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