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• W2415014535 abstract "In this paper, I will argue for the assumption of a nominal functional projec­ tion FP that is the structural counterpart of (abstract) Case, and can therefore be claimed to be part of UG. Variation is to be found in the realization of this projection. I will claim that in languages with overt case marking, F is the place where nominal morphological case is realized, and in languages with articles, F is the place where the article is inserted. The intermediate stage, represented by languages with case and article, confirms our hypoth­ esis in that the strongest case morpheme is predicted to be on the article, while case morphemes on other nominal elements, such as the head N and its adjectival modifiers, can be taken as agreement with F. This hypothesis derives in a straightforward fashion the development of several modem Indo-European languages from a stage with case and no article to an intermediate stage with an article inflected for case to a further stage in which the article has lost its case marking. It also distinguishes the (definite and indefinite) article from other kinds of so-called determiners (quantifiers, demonstratives, possessives). The empirical evidence provided in this paper is taken mainly from the Germanic languages. O. INTRODUCTION Recent trends of research have raised important issues on the interaction between inflectional morphology and syntax. However, whereas verbal inflection has been analysed as a syntactic process that takes place due to the presence of functional projections (cf. Pollock 1989, Belletti 1990, among others), the study of the properties of nominal inflection has not been related to functional nominal projections. In this study, I will propose that case is projected in the syntax as the head of the highest nominal projec­ tion. This proposal does not necessarily lead to the trivial assumption of a new item (call it K) to be added to the inventory of nominal functional cate­ gories. Instead, it can be argued that the DP projection, and in particular its property of being the saturator of the predicate NP (cf. Higginbotham 1983, Longobardi 1990), can be conflated into the same functional head as Case/case. I will label this projection FP. The present approach offers a unified analysis of a number of phenomena which give rise to a high degree of cross-linguistic variation. In fact, it assurnes a universal struc­ ture for the nominal phrase in all languages, regardless of the presence of overt morphological case and of adefinite (and/or indefinite) artic1e. The head of FP is instantiated universally to satisfy the Case Filter, or whatever principle it derives from and is realized in different ways across languages. I will assurne here without discussion that nominal inflection, on a par with verbal inflection, is a syntactic process and that it takes place via" @default.
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• W2415014535 date "1995-01-01" @default.
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• W2415014535 title "A UNIFIED STRUCTURAL REPRESENTATION OF (ABSTRACT) CASE AND ARTICLE 1 Evidence from Germanie" @default.
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