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• W245751096 abstract "Paddle matches between sites show instances of interaction, but alone these data yield little information about the context of production and exchange. A comparison of technological and functional attributes of pottery from two sites on the lower St. Johns River, the Mayport Mound (8DU96) and Middens (8DU5544/5545), indicates very different modes of production and consumption between the two sites. Variability in pottery attributes between these sites indicates that mound pottery may have consisted of both specially made mortuary wares and repeatedly used heirloom vessels while village pottery was made up of domestic-scale cooking vessels. The recognition of these contextual differences in pottery manufacture and use may implicate burial mounds as major centers of exchange in northeastern Florida, in which gifts were an important part of reproducing relationships within and between groups. pottery is relatively unique in providing a fingerprint of decoration that can be traced on pottery across the landscape. In the Southeast, Frankie Snow's (1975, 1977, 1998) voluminous database of paddle matches is well known, made possible by the uniqueness of many carved designs due to idiosyncratic artisan errors or cracks in the wooden paddle (Ashley 1995; Ashley and Wallis 2006; Kirkland 2003; Snow and Stephenson 1998; Stephenson et al. 2002; Stephenson and Snow 2005; Stoltman and Snow 1998). These traits yield definitive evidence that pots at different sites, sometimes separated by hundreds of kilometers, were stamped with the same paddle. Paddle matches thus can show some sort of direct connection across the southeastern landscape, often generically termed interaction (Snow and Stephenson 1998; Stoltman and Snow 1998), yet the mechanisms of paddle and pot dissemination remain mostly enigmatic. The theories for paddle and pot movement, including patterns of exchange, residential mobility, postmarital residence, or combinations of all three, cannot be corroborated by paddle matches and clay sourcing studies alone (e.g., Stoltman and Snow 1998). Rather than solely gather more data of paddle and pot movement across the landscape to infer the mechanism of their transfer, I argue that we must first consider the social (Appadurai 1986) of the objects involved in the transactions. As I explain here, inferring the context of pottery production and use, and by deduction carved paddles, can be accomplished through analysis of formal and functional variation of vessels within and between sites. While exchanged perishable items are beyond archaeological visibitity, enough pottery endures to reconstruct the life of vessels and carved paddles within the traditions of potterymaking groups. This reconstruction of the particular contexts of pottery and paddle production and use, in turn, can inform our theories of their delivery across the southeastern landscape. A clarification of the term Swift Creek is essential before proceeding further with this argument. Because the patterns and implications of exchange are inextricably linked to dynamic historical and contexts cross-culturally (Appadurai 1986; Thomas 1991:9), it is most likely that the ways by which paddles and pots were carried between locales, and the meanings that they evoked, were not uniform across the lower Southeast. For example, paddles and pots may have arrived at the massive mound center of Kolomoki by different means and for different reasons than the artifacts carried along the nonmounded portions of the Ocmulgee River (e.g., Broyles 1968; Pluckhahn 2003; Snow 1975,1977). We should expect a large degree of variation in systems of exchange and mobility across the broad geographical and temporal scale of pottery distribution, and this expectation compels us to examine individual communities as historically and culturally distinct. …" @default.
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• W245751096 title "Defining Swift Creek Interactions: Earthenware Variability at Ring Middens and Burial Mounds" @default.
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